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INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE
STATE OF MICHIGAN— Part 2
(DETROIT— Labor)
HEARING
BEEyORE THE " j ^^
COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES
HOUSE OF EEPRESENTATIYES
EIGHTY-THIRD CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
APRIL 28 AND 29, 1954
Pi-inted for the use of the Committee on Un-American Activities
INCLUDING INDEX
UNITED STATES
<!(»VERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
48861 WASHINGTON : 1954
^
Boston Public Library
Superintendent of Documents
SEP 2 8 1954
COMMITTEE ON UN-AMERICAN ACTIVITIES
United States House of Representatives
HAROLD H. VELDE, Illinois, Chairman
BERNARD W. KEARNEY, New York FRANCIS E. WALTER, Pennsylvania
DONALD L. JACKSON, California MORGAN M. l^IOULDER, Missouri
KIT CLARDY, Michigan CLYDE DOVLE, C.ilifoinia
GORDON H. SCHERER, Ohio JAMES B. FRAZIER, Ja., Tennessee
ROBERT L. KtlNZIG, COUtlSCl
Frank S. Tavenner, Jr., Counsel
Thomas W. Beale, Sr., Chief Clerk
Raphael I. Nixon, Director oj Research
CoUETNEY E. Owens, Acting Chief Investigator
XL
CONTENTS
April 28, 1954, testimony of : !*««•
Milton Joseph Saiitwire . 50S5
April 29, 1954, testimony of :
Stephen J. Schemanske 5107
Frank Stepanchenko 5133
Index i
III
Public Law 601, 79th Congress
The legislation under which the House Committee on Un-American
Activities operates is Public Law 601, 79th Congress [1946], chapter
753, 2d session, which provides :
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States
of America, in Congress assemMed, * * *
PART 2— RULES OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Rule X
SEC. 121. STANDING COMMITTEES
*******
17. Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members.
Rule XI
POWERS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES
*******
iq) (1) Committee on Un-American Activities.
(A) Un-American activities.
(2) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a whole or by subcommit-
tee, is auttiorized to make from time to time investigations of (i) the extent,
character, and objects of i;n-American propaganda activities in the United States,
(ii) the diffusion within the United States of subversive and un-American propa-
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and at-
tacks the principle of the form of government as guaranteed by our Constitution,
and (iii) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress in any
necessary remedial legislation.
The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the
Clerk of the House if the House is not in session) the results of any such in-
vestigation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable.
For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American
Activities, or any subcommittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such
times and places within the United States, whether or not the House it sitting,
has recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any
member designated by any such chairman, and may be served by any person
designated by any such chairman or member.
RULES ADOPTED BY THE 83d CONGRESS
House Resolution 5, January 3, 1953
• •*•*••
RXTLE X
STANDING COMMITTEES
1. There shall be elected by the House, at the commencement of each Congress,
the following standing committees :
(q) Committee on Un-American Activities, to consist of nine members.
Rule XI
POWEBS AND DUTIES OF COMMITTEES
17. Committee on Un-American Activities.
(a) Un-American activities.
(b) The Committee on Un-American Activities, as a vphole or by subcommittee.
Is authorize<l to malfe froiu time to time, investigations of (1) the extent, char-
acter, and objects of un-American propaganda activities in the United States,
(2) the dilTusion within the United States of subversive and nn-American propa-
ganda that is instigated from foreign countries or of a domestic origin and
attaclis the principle of tlie form of government as guaranteed by our Constitu-
tion, and (3) all other questions in relation thereto that would aid Congress
In any necessary remedial legislation.
The Committee on Un-American Activities shall report to the House (or to the
Clerk of the House if tlie House is not in session) the results of any such investi-
gation, together with such recommendations as it deems advisable.
For the purpose of any such investigation, the Committee on Un-American
Activities, or any subcomujittee thereof, is authorized to sit and act at such times
and places within the United States, whether or not the House is sitting, has
recessed, or has adjourned, to hold such hearings, to require the attendance
of such witnesses and the production of such books, papers, and documents, and
to take such testimony, as it deems necessary. Subpenas may be issued under
the signature of the chairman of the committee or any subcommittee, or by any
member designated by such chairman, and may be served by any person desig-
nated by any such chairman or member.
INVESTIGATION'OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE
STATE OF MICHIGAN— PAET 2
(Detroit— Labor)
WEDNESDAY, APRIL 28, 1954
United States House of Representatives,
Subcommittee of the Committee of Un-Amekican AcTivrnES
Detroit^ MicJi,
EXECUTIVE session ^
The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities
met, pursuant to notice, at 10 : 45 a. m., in room 1786, Hotel Fort
Shelby, Hon. Kit Clardy presiding.
Committee member present: Representative Kit Clardy (pre-
siding).
Staff members present: Donald T. Appell and W. Jackson Jones,
investigators.
Mr. Clardy. Let the record show that under the authority of the
Honorable Harold H. Velde, chairman of the committee, a subcom-
mittee consisting of myself has been appointed to conduct executive
sessions in Michigan.
Call your first witness.
Mr. AiTELL. I have as my first witness Mr. Milton J. Santwire.
Mr. Clardy. Will you raise your right hand? Do you solemnly
swear that the testimony you are about to give will be the truth, the
whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God?
Mr. Santwire. I do.
Mr. Clardy. You may be seated.
Mr. Appell. Will you state your full name?
TESTIMONY OF MILTON JOSEPH SANTWIRE
Mr. Santwire. Milton Joseph Santwire.
Mr. Appell. When and where were you born ?
Mr. Santwire. I was born in Windsor, Vt., May 21, 1915.
Mr. Appell. How long have you been a resident of the State of
Michigan ?
^Mr. Santwire. Since December of 1938.
'Mr. Appell. Are you the same Milton J. Santwire who was a wit-
ness for the United States Government in a Smith Act trial which
was just concluded in the city of Detroit, Mich.?
Mr. Santwire. Yes, I am.
* Released by the committee.
5085
5086 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
Mr. Appell. During your testimony at that trial was it brought
out that you had been a member of the Communist Party and had
worked as an undercover operative, supplying information to the
United States Government'^
Mr. Santwire. That is correct.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Santwire, when did you first join the Communist
Party?
Mr. Clardy. Witness, I suggest you give us in your own words the
complete story as to your first association with the movement and
what developed thereafter.
Mr. Santwire. In 1939 I became a member of the Young Commu-
nist League. I remained a member of the Young Communist League
until 1943, at which time I became a member of the American Youth
for Democracy. This organization w^as the same youth movement,
but for identity reasons the name had been changed.
In 1944 I became a member of the Communist Political Associa-
tion. In 1945 I became a member of the Communist Party. I re-
mained a member of the Communist Party until December 1953.
Mr. Appell. And you remained a member of the Communist Party
up to the time that you took the stand for the United States Govern-
ment?
Mr. Santwire. That is correct.
Mr. Appell. Can you briefly relate the circumstances by which you
joined the Young Communist League?
Mr. Santwire. I was working at the Rouge plant of the Ford
Motor Co., and during that time an organizational drive was taking
place by the union, and I became involved within the organizational
drive of the union. I became very friendly with various members of
the party who were taking leadership in this organizational drive,
and through their persuasion I did join the YCL.
Mr. Appell. Wlio were the principal individuals to interest you
in the YCL Avork, if we might use a phrase, "recruit" you into the
YCL?
Mr. Santwire. I don't recall who actually took my signature, but
John Gallo and Bill McKie were responsible mainly for my signing
up.
Mr. Appell. How was the Young Communist League organized
at the time you first joined? Did they have Young Communist
League units in the shop and in the neighborhood ?
Mr, Santwire. At that time there wei-e not, to my knowledge, any
Young Communist League clubs in the plant. There were, however,
Young Communist League clubs in the city.
Mr. Appell. What type of unit were you assigned to ns a member
of the YCL, to a neighborhood group ?
Mr. Santwire. I was assigned to a neighborhood group which also
participated in citywide activity.
Mr. Appell. While some time has elapsed, can you recall the lead-
ers within the YCL at that time and up to 1943 when the YCL was
dissolved?
Ml'. Clardy. You mean the important men in the movement?
Mr. Appell. Yes.
Mr. San'i-wire. John Gallo was considered as one of the leaders of
the YCL at that time.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5087
Mr. Clardy. What we have in mind, in addition to the two you
have named, are there some others that you can recall that at least
were taking part in the organizing movement?
Mr. Santwire. There were others on a citywide basis
Mr. Clardy. No, I am speaking now onl}^ of the Rouge plant.
Mr. Santwire. At the primary inception of the Young Communist
League there was no considered elaborate leadership.
Mr. Clardy. I see. How big did the group grow ?
Mr. Santwire. The group at Ford Kouge iiever did grow as such.
In other words, there were never any organized Young Communist
League clubs at the Ford Rouge plant.
Mr. Clardy. I see. They were individual members who belonged to
the citywide setup.
Mr. Santwire. That is right.
Mr. Clardy. But you had no separate, shall I call it, chapter at the
Rouge plant?
Mr. Santwire. There .were no separate units.
Mr. Clardy. How many individuals would you say were eventually
brought into the citywide movement from the Rouge plant, without
regard for their identity, just the number?
Mr. Santwire. There were probably 50 people who worked at the
Ford Rouge ]3lant who became involved with the Young Communist
League at one time or another.
Mr. Appell. Who were the State leaders as you recall them in those
days, not limiting yourself to the time when you first joined, but dur-
ing the period in which you belonged to the YCL?
Mr. Clardy. In other words, for the roughly 4-year period, 1939-43.
Mr. Appell. If I might help vou. was Norman Ross a State officer of
the YCL at that time ?^
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr, Appell. Was Margaret Campbell a State officer?
Mr. Santwire. Yes; Bridget Poulson.
Mr. Appell. Was Paul Endicott a State officer or leader ?
Mr. Santwire. He was a State leader, yes.
Mr. Appell. Was Fred Fine active as a State leader during the
Young Communist League?
Mr. Santwire. He was here in the city from New York for a con-
siderable time, and I don't recall him ever holding office. He was con-
sidered a leader of the youth movement.
Mr. Clardy. An organizer, more or less ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Was he in before the Young Communist League was
dissolved? Our investigation shows he was definitely in here during
the days of the AYD.
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Was Thomas Dennis, recently a defendant in the Smith
Act trial, active in the Young Communist League?
Mr. Santwire. He was.
Mr. Appell. In 1943 you testified that the YCL was dissolved and
the American Youth for Democracy created in its place. Could you
very briefly tell why this was done ?
49861 — 54— pt. 2 2
5088 COAiMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
Mr. Santwike. For the purpose of dissolving? the identity between
the youth group and the parent group, namely, the Young Communist
League and the Communist Party.
Mr. Clardy. The idea being to get away from the use of that word
"Communist," I take it.
Mr. Santwire. Very true.
Mr. Clardy. And hide its identity by substituting in effect the
word "democracy."
Mr. Santwire. American Youth for Democracy.
Mr. Clardy. Actually they were picking up the word "democracy"
more or less as a substitute and coverup for the fact that it was a Com-
munist organization, weren't they?
Mr. Santwire. Very true.
Mr. Appell. Was it also true that while the Young Communist
League accepted no one but members of the Communist Party as its
members, that the American Youth for Democracy permitted non-
Communists to join its ranks?
Mr. Santwire. The American Youth for Democracy did permit
people, young people, to join the movement.
Mr. Clardy. Whether they were Communists or not ?
Mr. Santwire. Very true.
Mr. Clardy. But did they indoctrinate them as soon as they got
them under the canvas ?
Mr. Santwire. Very mildly at jfirst, yes.
Mr. Appell. But the AYE) became a recruiting organization for
the Communist Party rather than a Communist organization as it had
been under the YCL ?
Mr. Santwire. That is correct.
Mr. Appell. When the Young Communist League dropped its
identity and became known as the American Youth for Democracy,
did you continue in the same type of organization as you were as a
member of the Young Communist League ?
Mr. Santwire. Same type of organization, same leadership, same
program.
Mr. Clardy. Same objectives?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. In 1944 when you joined the Communist Party to
what type of organization or unit of the Communist Party were you
assigned ?
Mr. Santwire. I was assigned to what was known as section 10 of
the Communist Party, which consisted of not only the party member-
ship at the Ford Kouge plant, but also certain nationality groups
within that particular area on the west side of Detroit.
Mr. Clardy. At what stage of the proceeding did this take place?
Mr. Appell. 1944, sir.
Mr. Clardy. We are speaking then definitely of the time that you
moved over from the AYD to the Communist Political Association.
Mr. Santwire. That is right.
Mr. Appell. How long did the Communist Party keep the organi-
zational structure such as section 10? Did they continue that during
the entire days of the Communist Political Association, or did they
at a later time break down to neighborhood groups and name their
clubs by Ben Davis or such other names ?
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5089
Mr. Santwire. I don't recall when the phrase "section 10" was
actually dropped. It continued on through 1945, even after the change
was made back to the Communist Party from the Communist Politi-
cal Association.
Mr. Appell. Did you stay in section 10, the Ford unit, all this
period of time?
Mr. Santwire. I was active in what was known as section 10 all
during this period.
Mr. Appell. With the discontinuance of the Communist Political
Association and the reactivation of the Communist Party, were you
assigned to any other unit of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Santwire. For geographical reasons I was assigned to the Ben
Davis Club of the Communist Party.
Mr. Appell. Then with your assignment to the Ben Davis Club,
you were in fact meeting with two clubs of the Communist Party?
Mr. Santwire. I was meeting with the Ben Davis Club, and I was
also meeting with the Ford section.
Mr. Appell. How long did you continue to meet with both?
Mr. Santwire. For approximately a year.
Mr. Appell. And after that year you went back to meeting with the
Ford section?
Mr. Santwire. That is correct.
Mr. Appell. Solely?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. You continued to meet solely with the Ford section up
until the time you appeared as a witness for the United States
Government?
Mr. Santwire. I continued to meet with the Ford section until it
primarily dissolved in January of 1950, and from that period on I met
through front groups.
Mr. Appell. Can you explain to the committee why the Ford sec-
tion was dissolved in 1950?
Mr. Santwire. In January of 1950 — in fact, the last meeting that
I recall attending, there was mention made by the leadership that
Ford's plant was still the No. 1 concentration area of the country, but
due to fear and nonparticipation on the part of the members and the
overall failure of the membership to support the party program, they
couldn't continue under the present status.
Mr. Clardt. Let me see if I understand you. You mean that the
party leaders regarded the Ford plant as a No. 1 objective in their
organizational and other work ?
Mr. Santwire. The No. 1 concentration area throughout the
country.
Mr. Clardy. You use the words "concentration area." By that do
you mean that it was the No. 1 target for organizing work and the No.
1 target in importance so far as they were concerned?
Mr. Santwire. That is correct.
Mr. Clardy. Thank you. Was that largely due to the fact that the
Communists regard this area that we call an arsenal of democracy as
extremely important from their standpoint, important because a crip-
pling effort here would have more effect on preventing our doing any-
thing against Russia if the need should come about ?
5090 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN .
Mr. Santwire. That was the behind-the-scene motive. However,
as it was explained to the membership, I very distinctly remember
James Jackson stating that the Ford Rouge plant was the greatest
single concentration of workers in any given single place in the coun-
try, and through propaganda and organization if Ford's could be
gained, it would set the pattern for the smaller industries, and they
would be much easier to gain also.
Mr. Clardy. In other words, they did a little doubletalking. They
gave one reason publicly, and at the same time they had other reasons
privately, the other reasons being the fact that a crippling blow in
this area would have greater effect on America's defense effort that if
it was delivered at any other point.
Mr. Santwire. That is the real truth, yes, sir.
Mr. Appell. With the security measures that the party took in
1950 did the members of the Communist Party within the Ford section
continue to meet ?
Mr. Santwire. After the dissolving of the Ford section as a section
in January of 1950, which is referred to by going underground, many
of the members failed to respond to party leadership to continue to
support the party movement. However, the leadership of the party at
Ford's continued to meet and infiltrate the Progressive caucus and
later dominated and controlled it.
Mr. Appell. You, just a moment ago, referred to a statement made
by James Jackson. Would you, for the record tell who James Jack-
son was and the role that he played?
Mr. Santwire. James Jackson, former active party leader in
Louisiana, came to Michigan as a replacement for Abner Berry and
was considered to be the educational director for the State of Michi-
gan for the party. He became very involved within the Ford section
and its educational work and its general overall program. He is the
same James Jackson who today is a fugitive from justice.
Mr. Appell. As I recall, he was indicted under the Smith Act, and
he was unable to be arrested on a warrant of arrest.
Mr. Santwire. That is correct.
Mr. Appell. Abner Berry, is that the same individual who is now
negro editor of the Daily Worker?
Mr. Santwire. That is correct.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Santwire, the committee heard testimony in 1952,
and its investigation has shown, that within local 600 there is a politi-
cal setup known as the progressive caucus. From the testimony and
the investigation it is also apparent that within the progressive cau-
cus there is another organization known as the inner caucus, and that
within this inner caucus the members of the Communist Party who
are em])loyed by Ford control the program and policies of the broad
progressive caucus. Were you a member of the progressive caucus
while you were a member of the Communist Party?
Mr. SANT^vIRE. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Was there a setup known as an inner caucus?
Mr. Santwire. There was a setup known as the inner caucus.
Mr. Appell. What type of person was a member of the inner
caucus ?
Mr. Santwire. The inner caucus consisted of mainly Connnunist
Party members and those that were very, very close to the party.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5091
Mr. Appell. There were no people meeting Avitliin the inner caucus
who were anti-Communist or anti-Communist Party?
Mr. Santwire. No.
Mr. Appell. When there were elections at Ford local 600 what part
did the inner caucus play in the candidates that were put up by the
progressive caucus ?
Mr. Santwire. The inner caucus of the broad progressive move-
ment at Ford's was controlled and dominated by Communist Party
leadership. Upon a direction and final decision of full-time Com-
munist Party organizers were the candidates selected for the various
offices, candidates, not only within the various units of the Ford
Rouge plant, but also on the local level.
Mr. Appell. Did these Communist functionaries sit in on meet-
ings of the inner caucus?
JNIr. Santavire. The inner caucus would meet many times at the
section headquarters of the Communist Party.
Mr. Appell. In other woi'ds, the organizers of the Communist
Party that decided on the candidates for office within local 600, or
who gave their approval to candidates, met wdth the people as mem-
bers of the Communist Party and in meetings of the Ford section of
the Communist Party?
Mr. Santavire. That is correct.
Mr. Appell. Now, who were these leaders of the Communist Party
that met with the Ford section ?
Mr. Santwire. Phil Schatz, James Jackson, William Allan, Carl
Winter, Nat Gaidey, and most of the top leadership of the party.
Mr. Appell. The people that you have named, were any of th^m
em])Ioyed by Ford Motor Co. ?
Mr. Santwire. No.
Mr. Appell. Were any of them members of any trade union?
Were any of them members of a trade union interested in Ford ?
Mr. Santwire. No.
Mr. Appell. So that these people who were not employed or had
no direct interest were sitting down and deciding the candidates that,
if elected, would represent the workers at Ford?
Mr. Santwire. That is very true.
Mr. Appell. You have ni\med Phil Schatz. Is he the same indi-
vidual that was recently convicted under the Smith Act?
Mr. Santwire. Yes, he is.
Mr. Appell. You have named Carl Winter. Was he one of the
original Smith Act defendants who was convicted in New York ?
Mr. Santwire. He was.
Mr. Appell. You have named Billy Allan. Was he also a Smith.
Act defendant and recently convicted?
Mr. Santwire. That is tlie same Billy Allan.
Mr. Clardy. You named Nat Ganley\also, did you not?
Mr. Santwire. I did.
Mr. Appell. Nat Ganley has also recently been convicted of violat-
ing the provisions of tlie Smith Act?
Mr. Santavire, That is correct.
Mr. Appell. So that individuals who have been convicted by a jury
of conspiracy to advocate the overthrow of the Government of th&
United States were the people who decided what was best for the
workers of Ford?
5092 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
Mr. Santwire. Phil Schatz and James Jackson, who were the or-
ganizers and educational directors of the Ford section, without any
doubt played the biggest role in making decisions for the candidates
lor any particular unit or the local as a whole.
Mr. Clardy. Well, now, come back to your original statement and
question about their conviction. They were convicted of being party
to a conspiracy to overthrow this Government through force and
violence, were they not?
Mr. Santwire. That is correct.
Mv. Clardy. So that the men who have subsequently been con-
victed of that terrible offense were the men who were plotting the
course that was to be followed by the union members of one of the
largest plants in the United States.
Mr. Santwire. That is true.
Mr. Ai'PEix. As a matter of fact, Mr. Chairman, I think Local 600
is the largest union in the world.
Mr. Santwire. That is correct.
Mr. Clardy. That is my understanding, but I stated it cautiously
because I wanted to be sure of my ground.
Mr. Santwire. I might say in addition to that, as I mentioned
earlier, Phil Schatz and James Jackson were the full-time party
people assigned to the Ford section, and the others that I have men-
tioned w©i.ild be in and out of the section and giving direction to the
membership at Ford's, not only in an overall program of organiza-
tion, but also in making decisions on candidates because they felt it
was very important that party people be selected, or those very close
to the party who would support the party program.
Mr. Clardy. In other words, they were following the standard
Communist technique of controlling, directing, and managing every
movement they possibly could, weren't they?
Mr. Santwire. That is very true.
Mr. Clardy. That is nothing unusual so far as Communist tech-
nique was concerned. This was a standard procedure as outlined in
the books and pamphlets and instructions that the Communist Party
has put out from the very beginning.
Mr. Santwire. Yes, and I assume that tliis same procedure was
taking place elsewhere.
Mr. Clardy. Our committee investigation shows that to be an
understatement.
Mr. Appell. When the progressive caucus nominated a person to
run for an office, whether on a building level or on the local level, it
did not necessarily mean that that person was a member of the Com-
munist Party.
JNIr. Santwire. No.
]Mr. Appell. What did it mean in most instances?
Mr. Santwire. It meant that he either was a member or would sup-
port their program, if elected.
Mr. Clardy. In other words, he would carry out the Communist
purposes, whether he carried the card or was an actual member or not.
Mr. Santwire, That is right.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Santwire, when, within a meeting of the Ford sec-
tion of the Communist Party, a decision was reached on an individual
to be nominated, that same decision was reached in the inner caucus, i
and it was then brought to the broad caucus, what procedure would !
i
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5093
be followed in case opposition was brought on the floor of the broad
caucus to that candidate or whether a candidate nominated by the
broad caucus had a chance of beating the man put up by the inner
caucus?
Mr. Santavire. When the final decision was made by the party lead-
ership regarding any candidate, it was then brought to the broad
progressive caucus meeting, a leading member of the party would
nominate this particular person. If opposition from the rank and
file of the progressive caucus was to an extent great, another member
of the Communist Party leadership would also rise and speak in be-
half of the original candidate named.
JNIr. AprELL. By a show of strength the Communist Party members
and members of the inner caucus would always beat down those in
favor of a candidate not endorsed by the inner caucus?
Mr. Santwire. Yes, they would be prepared and organized for not
only the nomination but the selection of their candidate. They would
come prepared, while the remaining members of the progressive
caucus with their own particular choices would not be organized to
the extent where their candidate would be selected.
]\Ir. AiTELL. Within the inner caucus were there officers, were there
people in control, chairmen of the inner caucus and other officers of
the inner caucus?
Mr. Santavire. There were no official officers; however, there were
people who were considered as the best and most capable spokesmen
for the group.
Mr. AiTELL. Were individuals who were members of the inner
caucus always the officers of the progressive caucus, the large caucus?
Mr. Santwire. In many instances.
Mr. Appell. Who was the chairman of the progressive caucus?
Mr. Santwire. There were a number of chairmen. Sometimes there
wasn't one particular person as chairman, but there were two ns
cochairmen.
Mr. Appell. But who from the inner caucus have chaired the broarl
progressive caucus?
]\Ir. Santwire. Dave Moore has been very active in playing both
roles.
Mr. Appell. Dave Moore is the same individual that appeared be-
fore the committee in 1952?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Was William H. Johnson ever chairman of the pro-
gressive caucus?
Mr. Santwire. William H. Johnson has acted as chairman of some
progressive caucus meetings.
Mr. Appell. Was he a member of the inner caucus?
Mr. Santwire. William H. Johnson, because of his position within
local 6.00 leader-ship, has been very close to the party leadership, and
I believe it is true that he also had a voice in decisions reached by
the inner caucus.
Mr. Appell. Did Bill Johnson visit the Ford section headquarters
of the Communist Party?
Mr. Santwire. He has been seen at the Ford section of the Com-
munist Party on several occasions.
Mr. Appell. Do you have any individual laiowledge of what he
was doing there?
5094 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
Mr. Santwire. I know tliat he has asked assistance of the Ford sec-
lion for the immediate printing and distribution of leaflets on various
issues, and it is probably true that he was seeking direction many
times. He always consulted with the top leadership.
Mr. Appell. The top leadership of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. In that particular section?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. You talked about a request for the Ford section to put
out leaflets on issues. Would these leaflets be put out over the name
of tlie Communist Party? Would they be put out over the name of
Local 600, or just how w^ould the Communist Party put out these
leaflets?
Mr. Santwire. The signature on the leaflet all depended upon the
issue involved. Sometimes it was signed by the rank and flle com-
mittee for the Dearborn production foundry. Sometimes it would
be signed by rank and flle Progressives for the production foundry.
Very seldom — in fact never do I recall — the name of Bill Johnson on
a leaflet along with tJie Communist Party.
Mr. Appell. Now, if someone like Johnson went to the Ford section
headquarters of the Communist Ptirty and asked them to put out a
leaflet, irrespective of the issue, wdio would draft and approve the
language of that leaflet ?
Mr. Santwire. The leaders of the Communist Party unit of the
production foundry with whom Bill Johnson Avas very close usually
drew up the proposed leaflet. Bill Johnson himself has brought that
to the section lieadquarters, and with the coo])eration and advice of
the party leadership has had thousands of leaflets printed.
Mr. Appell. Woidd the Ford section of the Communist Party ever
print a leaflet, the language of which did not meet the approval of the
leaders of the Conununist Party ?
Mr. Santwire. I never recall a leaflet being issued by the Ford sec-
tion of the Communist Party unless it was released by the top leader-
ship.
Mr. Appell. Speaking of the support of the non-Communists by
the Comnninist Party, what would they consider or what reasons
would they give for supporting that man? Wliat qualiflcations
would he have to have?
Mr. Santwire. The most important qualification necessary for any
member, any union member, to gain support by the party was that he
primarily be a considered and respected leader of his fellow workers;
secondly, that he agree directly or indirectly to follow the party
program.
Mr. Appell. Well, how would the Communist Party know^ that this
man would follow their program if he was not a member of the
Comnuniist Party ?
Mr. Santwire. Many times they have selected a candidate in many
of the units and agreed to support him because they knew that he
could win. They were primarily interested in the individual that
they sui)i)orted winning, and many times they have p.up})orted him
whether or not he was a party member, feeling that once he was
elected, they could compel him by many means to go along with the
party program.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5095
Mr, Appell. Do you know of the party members feeling a candi-
date like that out to make sure they would go along with him before
they supported him ?
Mr. Santwire. Oh, yes ; oh, yes.
Mr. Appell. Have nonparty people been brought to section party
headquarters to be interviewed by Schatz or Jackson or people in that
echelon of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes ; they have been.
Mr. Appell. Even though they were not members of the Communist
Party?
Mr. Santwire. That is correct.
Mr. Appell. With the distribution and preparation of leaflets, what
use was made of the clerical personnel of local 600 ?
Mr. Santwire. Many of the girls employed — so still employed — at
local 600 did take part in the promotion of and the labor involved in
the distribution of leaflets.
Mr. Appell. Were these girls who were employed in the office of
local 600 in themselves members of the Communist Party?
Mr. Santwire. Some of them were.
Mr. Appell. I believe Mary Davis is employed in a clerical capacity
in the office of local 600.
Mr. Santwire. She is employed in a very influential position in
local 600.
Mr. Appell. Did you know Mary Davis to be a member of the Com-
munist Party ?
Mr. Santwire. I considered her a member.
Mr. Clardy. Suppose you explain that. You mean you considered
her a member because she obeyed Communist orders and accepted
Communist Party discipline, or do you have something else in mind ?
Mr. Santwire. I considered INIary Davis a member of the Commu-
nist Party through local 26, which consisted of office workers, mostly
girls. Within local 26 there was also a party club of women. Mary
Davis was very active in that party club.
Mr. Clardy. That club was organized and formed and directed by
the Communist Party?
]Mr. Santwire. Correct.
Mr. Appell. Was that known as the Pen and Pencil Club ?
Mr. Santwire. That is correct.
Mr. Appell. And you knew Mary Davis as a member of the Pen and
Pencil Club ?
Mr. Santwire. I knew Mary Davis as a member of the Pen and Pen-
cil Club, and her constant active participation in the broad party
movement.
Mr. Appell. Another employee in the office of local 600 was a wit-
ness that we had before the committee in 1952, Celia Edwards. Is
Celia Edwards still employed in the office of local 600?
Mr. Santwire. She is.
Mr. Appell. Did you know Celia Edwards to be a member of the
Pen and Pencil Club?
Mr. Santwire. I did.
Mr. Appell. Opal Palmer is believed to be an employee of local 600.
Is Opal Palmer still employed there?
Mr. Santwire. She is.
48861— 54— pt. 2 — —3
5096 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
Mr. Appell. Did you know Opal Palmer to be a member of th<
Pen and Pencil Club ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes, and in addition, Opal Palmer put in many,
many hours in preparing stencils, running a mimeograph machine at
the Ford section headquarters of the Communist Party.
Mr. Appell. Another girl who was, I believe, employed in the office
of local 600 was Ann Vartainian Boatin. Is Ann Vartainian Boatin
still employed there ?
Mr, Santwire. Yes ; she is.
Mr. Appell. Did you know Ann Vartainian Boatin to be a member
of the Pen and Pencil Club?
Mr. Santwire. Yes; I did.
Mr. Appell. Her husband, Paul Boatin, was a witness before the
committee in 1952. Did you know Paul Boatin to be a member of the
Ford section of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes; he was.
Mr. Appell. Another employee in the office of local 600 is Marie
O'Connor. Is Marie O'Connor still employed in the office of local
600?
Mr. Santwire. Marie O'Connor is still employed by local 600.
Mr. Appell. Did you know Marie O'Connor to be a member of the
Pen and Pencil Club ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes ; I did.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Santwire, of the 5 girls that we have named, are
they merely clerks in the office of local 600, or do they hold secretarial
positions of importance?
Mr. Santwire. They are not merely clerks. They do hold posi-
tions which are more or less key positions in the local union and are
in a position to know what is taking place between the company and
the union constantly, and many times, through the cooj)eration of
Mary Davis and Celia Edwards has the party been informed of some
key issue that was to arise between the company and the union.
That also applies with respect to relationships going on between
officers of local 600 and International UAW headquarters as to what
strategy they are planning. Marie O'Connor is the secretary sitting
immediately outside the private offices of the president and vice presi-
dent and takes all phone calls for the president and vice president.
On many occasions, listened to the phone conversations and has been
in a position and still is, as far as I know, to know what is taking place
between not only the top officers, but also the international officers.
Mr. Appell. So that with anti-Communist officers within local 600,
these girls are in a ]Dosition of knowing what the nonparty officers
are doing, and thereby they are in a position to report to the Com-
munist Party all of their actions ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes, and they have done it many times.
Mr. Appell. You know that from information that has come in to
the Ford section headquarters of the Communist Party?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Clardy. To use a short and urgly word then, they were more
or less spies?
Mr. Santwire. That is very true. I have known Mary Davis and
Celia Edwards — in fact, Marie O'Connor — to relate what was con-
sidered very important information. Usually it was done by Mary
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5097
Davis with unlimited access to a phone, who would immediately get
in touch with one or more of the top party leadership in the city. I
have seen that take place many times.
Mr. Appell. This brings up a question. After you testified in the
Smith Act trial, you were accused by party press, and I also believe by
individuals who have columns in Ford Facts, which is the publication
of local 600, as a labor spy ?
Mr. Santwire. That is correct.
Mr. Clardy. You mean the report is correct. It is correct that there
was a report of that kind. You are not
Mr. Santwire. I never reported on labor.
Mr. Clardy. I want to make sure there is no misunderstanding on
the record.
Mr. Appell. I want to follow that through, Mr. Chairman.
Did you ever make a report to anyone which had anything to do with
labor-union activities as such?
Mr. Santwire. I never did.
Mr. Appell. Did you ever make a report which was not based upon
what the Comnumists were doing within the local 600 ?
Mr. Santwire. My desire was only to report on Communist Party
activity.
Mr. Appell. You were reporting on Communist Party activity to
the Government of the United States^
Mr. Santwire. That is correct.
Mr. Appell. Yet Mary Davis, who is a member of the Communist
Party is reporting to the Communist Party only union matters ?
Mr. Santwire. That is correct.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Santwire, I ask you again — I want you to realize
that you are under oath — have you ever turned in a report on union
activities as such ?
Mr. Santwire. I have never turned in a report on union activities
as such.
Mr. Appell. I might, for the sake of the record, tell you — and I
think that you know from interviews that you have had — that this
committee is not interested, and you have never been asked, and I
would like to ask you if you have ever been asked about a pure union
matter or union officers or what they are doing as pure union people?
Mr. Santwire. I have never been approaclied by this or any other
committee with a request to report on union matters as such.
Mr. Appell. Has any agency of Government ever asked you to
make a report on pure trade-union matters?
Mr. Santwire. No.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Santwire, going back to the year that you spent
as a member of the Ben Davis Club, did you know William Fletcher
to be a member of the Ben Davis Club ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes. William Fletcher was not only a member,
but he was acting chairman of the Ben Davis Club.
Mr. Appell. Did you know Jeannette Ross to be a member of the
Ben Davis Club ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes, I did.
Mr. Appell. Was she the organizer for the Ben Davis Club?
Mr. Santwire. At one time, yes.
Mr. Appell. Did you know Reva Bernstein ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
5098 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
Mr. Appell. Did she assist Jeannette Ross in the organizational
•work for the Ben Davis Club?
Mr. Santwike. Yes, on a limited basis.
Mr. Appell. Did you know Elsie Nichamin?
Mr. Santwire. Yes, I did.
Mr. Appell. Was she financial secretary of the Ben Davis Club
during the time that you were there?
Mr. Santwire. Yes, she was.
Mr. Appell. Did you know her husband, Phil Nichamin?
Mr. Santwike. Yes, I did.
Mr. Appell. Was he educational director of the Ben Davis Club
during the time that you were a member ?
Mr. Santwire. He was educational director of the Ben Davis Club
for part of the time.
Mr. Appell. Did you know Phil Nichamin's occupation?
Mr. Santwire. I knew that he was a school teacher.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Chairman, I should like to place in the record at
this point that at the time the committee was making its investigation
of Phil Nichamin, Phil Nichamin resigned his position as a school-
teacher under the Detroit Board of Education, which position he had
held for some 17 years, sold his home, and moved to California, all
in a matter of a few weeks.
Mr. Santwire, did you hold an office of any type within the Ben
Davis Club?
Mr. Santwire. Yes, I was dues secretary for a period of months.
Mr. Appell. Were you also, for a period of time, labor secretary
or in charge of labor matters within the Ben Davis Club ?
Mr. Santwire. I was considered — in fact, I was selected to be the
labor secretary and was requested to make comments from time to
time as to the overall labor situation, local and national.
Mr. Appell. Were you also a council delegate from the Ben Davis
Club?
Mr. Santwire. I was selected by the Ben Davis Club to act as their
representative to the city-wide Communist Party organization.
Mr. Appell. Was this the entire city or a section of the city of
Detroit?
Mr. Santwire. The various clubs within the entire city of Detroit
would send delegates to participate in meetings on a city wide basis
from time to time.
I\Ir. Appell. Was Leonard Smith a member of the Ben Davis Club?
Mr. Santwire. Yes, he was.
Mr. Appell. Was he press director of the Ben Davis Club for some-
time while you were a member?
Mr. Santwire. Yes, he was.
Mr. Appell. Did you know Evelyn Cochran as a member of the
Ben Davis Club?
Mr. Santwire. Yes, I did.
Mr. Appell. Was Evelyn Cochran literature director for the Ben
Davis Club?
Mr. SaN'1-wire. She was literature director for many months.
Mr. Appell. William Fletcher, whom you have identified as hold-
ing the position at one time of chairman of the Ben Davis section, ig
he a Ford worker?
Mr. Santwire. He is.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5099
Mr. Appell. During the time that you first joined the Communist
Party and were assigned to the Ford unit, what building unit were
you assigned to ?
Mr. Santwire. I spent most of my time in what was known as the
Plastic Club of the Ford section.
Mr. Appell. Who was the chairman of the Plastic Club at the time
you first joined?
Mr. Santwire. I believe Ed Lock was the chairman of the Plastic
Club when I first joined.
Mr. Appell. Who has held that chairmanship during your entire
membership ?
Mr. Santwire. Ed Lock remained as chairman of the plastic unit.
Mr. Appell. Did you hold any office within the plastic unit ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes ; I was selected and considered to be the litera-
ture director for the plastic unit at one time.
Mr. Appell. With the office of literature director were you a mem-
ber of the section committee ?
Mr. Santwire. By virtue of my being literature director I was a
member of what was termed as a section council of the Communist
Party structure at Ford's.
Mr. Appell. When did you become a member of the council ?
Mr. Santwire. I believe it Avas late 1947 or 1948.
Mr. Appell. Who were the members of the section council from the
gear and axle unit?
Mr. Santwire. Dave Moore was the most active member from the
gear and axle unit, while Alex Semion also was a member of the section
committee from the gear and axle unit.
Mr. Appell. Did Dave Moore hold an office in the gear and axle
building committee of local 600 ?
Mr. Santwire. Dave Moore was the vice president of the gear and
axle unit.
Mr. Appell. During the investigation it has been indicated that
Dave Moore now and always has controlled the officership of the gear
and axle building officers. Is that true or false to your knowledge
and understanding?
Mr. Santwire. Although Dave Moore was at times not an officer of
the gear and axle unit, he still was considered the key leadership of
the party for that unit and controlled the leadership of the unit.
Mr. Appell. Was there a unit of the Communist Party at the Dear-
born assembly plant ?
Mr. Santwip^. There was a Communist Party club in the Dearborn
assembly plant at one time.
Mr. Appell. Who were the delegates to the council from that club ?
Mr. Santwire. William Fletcher, Kermit Walton, and Leo Orsage.
Mr. Appell. Was there a club of the Communist Party within the
Dearborn engine plant ?
Mr. Santwire. At that time it was known as the motor building.
It has since been changed and moved to another location which is
referred to as Dearborn engine plant. There was a Communist Party
club. In fact, at one time there were two clubs, to my knowledge, in
that particular building.
Mr. Appell. Who were the delegates to the council from the motor
building?
5100 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
Mr. Santwire. The delegates from the motor building to the sec-
tion council of the Communist Party were Paul Boatin, Leonard
Lauderdale, John Gallo, a person known as Wilson.
Mr. ApPELii, Is that a last name ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes. I know him real well, but his first name
doesn't dawn on me. And also Bernard Bellinson.
Mr. Appell. What is Bernard Bellinson's history in the labor move-
ment, do you know ?
Mr. Santwire. Bernard Bellinson was one of the youth sent here,
I understand, from New York to gain not only employment at Ford's
but also positions of leadership within the union, which he did.
Mr. Appell. If I recall the facts obtained during the committee's
investigation, within almost a year he had become elected to a position
within local 600, is that true ?
Mr. Santwire. That is correct.
Mr. Appell. Was there a club of the Communist Party within
the Dearborn iron foundry?
Mr. Santwire. Yes, there was.
Mr. Appell. Do you recall the identity of the delegates to the coun-
cil of the Communist Party from the iron foundry ?
Mr. Santwire. Nelson Davis, Veal Clough, Tersil Obriot.
Mr. Appell. If I recall correctly, there is both a job foundry and
a production foundry. Did each of those units have clubs of the Com-
munist Party within them?
Mr. Santwire. The jobbing foundry is a separate building and con-
tained not an active party club, to my knowledge, but a few people who
did take part in the activities of the party at Ford's.
Mr. Appell. Did the job foundry have delegates to the Communist
Party council ?
Mr. Santwire. The jobbing foundry had a delegate by the name of
Leo Cottrell.
Mr. Appell. Was there a club of the Communist Party within the
Dearborn stamping plant?
Mr. Santwire. Yes, there was.
Mr. Appell. Wlio were the delegates to the council from the Dear-
born stamping plant?
Mr. Santwire. Lee Romano, Archie Accacia, Bagrad Vartainian.
Mr. Appell. Was there a unit or club of the Communist Party
within the frame and cold heading plant ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes, there was.
Mr. Appell. Who were the delegates to the council from that club ?
Mr. Santwire. To the best of my recollection the most active dele-
gate was George Angeloff .
Mr. Appell. Was there a club within the glass plant?
Mr. Santwire. Not to my knowledge.
Mr. Appell. Was there a club of the Communist Party within the
open hearth ?
Mr. Santavire. Yes, there was.
Mr. Appell. Who were the delegates to the Ford section council
of the Communist Party from the open hearth ?
Mr. Santwire. This was a small club with less than a dozen mem-
bers, and Pete Kasper was tlieir delegate to the section council.
Mr. Appell. Was there a club of the Communist Party within the
plastic group ?
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5101
Mr. Santwike. Yes, there was.
Mr. Appell. Is that the chib to which you belonged ?
Mr. Sani^vike. That is the club to which I belonged.
Mr. Appell. Was there a club of the Communist Party within the
rolling mill ?
Mr. Santwibe. I have never known the rolling mill to contain an
organized party club. There were, however, a few individuals who
supported and took part in the party movement.
Mr. Appell. Was there a club of the Communist Party within the
tool-and-die plant ?
Mr. Santwike. Yes, a very active club.
Mr. Appell. Who were the delegates to the Ford district council of
the Communist Party from the tool-and-die plant ?
Mr. Santwike. Jack Lawson,^ Max Cinzori, Gus Elschner, Kenny
Roach, Mike Hrabar, and Sam Rizzo.
Mr. Appell. The Jack Lawson to whom you referred — Jack is his
nickname, and is his real name John Lawson ?
Mr, Santwike. I have heard him called by both names.
Mr. Appell. Kenneth Roach — is he the husband of Dorothy Llew-
ellyn who is employed in the office of Ford local 600 ?
Mr. Santwike. JHe is.
Mr. Appell. Is his father-in-law Percy Llewellyn?
Mr. Santwike. He is.
Mr. Appell, What is Percy Llewellyn's relationship with the Com-
munist Party, if you know ?
Mr. Santwike. Percy Llewellyn, in my years of knowing him, has
constantly associated with, supported, and cooperated with the party
leadership at Ford.
Mr. Appell. Do you know Walter Dorosh ?
Mr. Santwike. Yes.
Mr. Appell, Do you know Walter Dorosh to be a member of the
Communist Party ?
Mr, Santwike. Yes.
Mr. Appell. What position of influence on the part of the Com-
munist Party did Walter Dorosh hold — or still holds — up until the
time you broke with the Communist Party ?
Mr. Santwike. Walter Dorosh was another person who was a dele-
o;ate to the section council of the Communist Party from the tool-and-
die unit. He has been considered always one of the key leaders of
the Communist Party within the tool-and-die unit. He has always
been very active in the writing of and the distribution of leaflets as
written and sponsored by the Communist Party, and to the best of
my knowledge he still holds a position on the publicity committee of
Ford local 600.
Mr. Appell. Does he hold a position of chairman of the publicity
committee of local 600 ?
Mr. Santwike. I understand that the chairmanship changes occa-
sionally from one to another.
Mr, Appell, It is a rotating chairmanship ?
Mr. Santwike. That is what I understand ; yes.
Mr. Appell. Who else serves on the publicity committee with
Dorosh?
^ John J. Lawson.
5102 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
Mr. Santwire. Well, James Simmons, who has long been active in
the Plastic Club of the Communist Party and also the section level of
the Communist Party, is, I believe, still on the publicity committee.
Mr. Appell. Is Paul Boatin a member of the publicity committee ?
Mr. Santwire. I am not sure whether Paul Boatin is actually a
member or considered an adviser of the publicity committee. He
does, however, take part.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Santwire, I am going to read you the names of
individuals employed as workers in Ford, and I would like to ask you
if you know any of these individuals to be members of the Com-
munist Party.
Mr. Appell. John Wourman ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Herb Lindberg?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. James A. Tate ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Joe Mifsud?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Leroy Krawf ord ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Frank Stepanchenko ? ^
Mr. Santwire. It is my belief that he was a member of the Com-
munist Party.
Mr. Appell. Alex Semion?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Tom Jelley ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Arthur DAgostino?
Mr. Santwire. At one time I believe he was.
Mr. Appell. Vincent Bizziochi?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Bob Lieberman,^ who used to be editor of Ford Facts ?
Mr. Santwire. It is my belief that he was a member of the Com-
munist Party.
Mr. Appell. Kueben Mardiros ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell, Leo Asordian?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Oscar Machigan ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes, M-a-c-h-i-g-a-n.
Mr. Appell. Within the gear and axle building, an individual by
the name of Vincent Mitchell ?
Mr, Santwire. I believe he was a member of the party.
Mr. Appell. Did you ever attend any meetings with him?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Roy Narancich?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Within the stamping plant, Al Williams?
J Frank Stepanclienko testified fully on April 28, 1954, regarding his past Communist
Party membership and activities. See p. 5133.
2 Kibert Liobennan appeared before the committee in executive session in 1052. During
this ap|)earance he refused to answer all pertinent questions, Invoking his privilege under
the fifth amendment.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5103
Mr. Santwike. At one time I believe he was a member.
Mr. Appelx,. You attended Communist Party meetings with him?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. John Lacy, within the open hearth ?
Mr. Santwike. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Within the plastics plant was there an individual
having the same first name and last name of the recording secretary,
William Johnson?
Mr. Santwire. There was a Herbert Johnson in the Plastic Club of
the Coniniunist Party.
Mr. Appell. Was there a William Jackson ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Art Hawkins?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Pythias Austin ?
Mr. Santwire. Pythias Austin, yes.
Mr. Appell. Milton Schleicher, S-c-h-1-e-i-c-h-e-r?
Mr. Santwire. But he is not employed at Ford's.
Milton Schleicher resides on the east side of Detroit and has, to the
best of my knowledge, always remained in the Briggs unit.
Mr. Appell. Has Schleicher attended meetings of the Communist
Party at Ford section headquarters.
Mr. Santwire. I never recall Milton Schleicher attending meetings
of the Ford section as such.
Mr. Appell. I think I have failed to place into the record up to
this point the location of the Ford section headquarters of the Com-
munist Party.
Mr. Santwire. From 1944, 1 believe, until the section dissolved, the
headquarters were at 6642 Michigan Avenue, on the west side of
Detroit. Prior to that time they had another location up the street
a bit.
Mr. Appell. Did a fire destroy that building ?
Mr. Santwire. That is correct.
Mr. Appell. Did you know Leo Krugh ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Was he at one time employed by Ford ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Is he still employed by Ford?
Mr. Santwire. Not to my knowledge. He left Ford's and told me
he was going to Pennsylvania. He does, however, have a brother
who works at Ford's and he is very active in the tool-and-die unit.
Mr. Appell. Is his brother Larry Krugh ?
Mr. Santwire. That is correct.
Mr. iVppELL. Did you know an individual by the name of Otis
Reavis?
Mr. Santwire. Yes ; I did know of an individual by that name.
Mr. Appell. Was he employed by Ford Motor Co. at any time?
Mr. Santwire. Not to my knowledge. I believe he was also em-
ployed by Briggs.
Mr. Appell. In the motor building there is an individual by the
name of Robertson, I believe it is Harold Robertson ?
48861—54 — pt. 2 4
5104 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
Mr. Santwire. That is correct.
Mr. Appell. Did you know Harold Robertson to be a member of
the Communist Party?
Mr. Santwire. Yes ; very much so.
Mr. Appell. Was he a member of the Motor Building Club ?
Mr. Santwire. He was a member of the Motor Buildmg Club.
Mr. Appell. Is he still employed by Ford, to the best of your
knowledge ?
Mr. Santwire. To the best of my knowledge he is still employed.
Mr. Appell. Harold Syverson?
Mr. Santwire. Yes. He is not employed at Ford's.
Mr. Appell. Do you know him to be a member of the Communist
Party?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Is he in the downriver section of the Communist Party
as it is known ?
Mr. Santwire. I only heard he was. My knowledge of him was
gained through attendance at various schools at the same time.
Mr. Appell. John Saari?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. He was at one time within the Motor Club of the Com-
munist Party ?
Mr. Santwire. That is correct.
Mr. Appell. Marty Wellin?
Mr. Santwire. Yes. Marty Wellin is another one of the youths sent
here from New York to gain employment and positions of leadership.
He is no longer working at Ford's, was discharged for agitation.
Mr. Appell. Arnold Krieger ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Was he a member of the Tool and Die Club ?
Mr. Santwire. He was a member of the Tool and Die Club.
Mr. Appell. Is he still employed at Ford, to your knowledge?
Mr. Santwire. To the best of my knowledge he is still employed.
Mr. Appell. Is Arnold Krieger another of the — to use the Com-
munist phrase — colonizers, which were sent into the Detroit area ?
Mr. Santwire. From New York, that is correct.
Mr. Appell. Steve Dimitro ?
Mr, Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Was he a member of the Foundry Club of the Com-
munist Party ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes ; he was.
Mr. Appell. Did you know if he held any office in the club ?
Mr. Santwire. Steve was used as what is commonly referred to as
a Jimmy Higgins. He would take bundles of this and that to differ-
ent places and run their errands for them.
Mr. Appell. How about a William Jackson, Jr., who was in
plastics?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Is he any relation to James Jackson ?
Mr. Santwire. No.
Mr. Appell. Merle B. Lord ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Who is employed at the motor building ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5105
Mr. Appell, Frank J. Martin in the foundry ?
Mr. Santwike. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Charles E. Morgan in the stamping ?
Mr. Santwiee. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Santwire, have you, as a member of the Communist
Party, attended schools operated by the Communist Party ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes ; I have attended, I believe, at least 6 different
courses of study sponsored by the Communist Party directly or the
Michigan School of Social Science.
Mr. Appell. What are some of these schools that you attended?
Mr. Santwire. I attended a general course of study which was con-
ducted by Phil Kaymond in 1944. I attended a class conducted by
William Allan on the history of the American labor movement. I
attended a class on wage theory and collective bargaining conducted
by Nat Ganley. I attended a class conducted by Hugo Beiswenger,
based on advanced Marxism. I attended a class on imperialism con-
ducted by Ann Beiswenger, B-e-i-s-w-e-n-g-e-r.
Mr. Appell. Is she the wife of Hugo Beiswenger ?
Mr. Santwire. She is. I also attended a class on dialectical mate-
rialism conducted by Hugo Beiswenger.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Santwire, did you know within the Communist
Party an individual by the name of Sidney Graber?
Mr. Santwire. Yes, I did.
Mr. Appell. Did you know Sidney Graber's occupation ?
Mr. Santwire. I only know that he was a school teacher.
Mr. Appell. Have you attended closed meetings of the Communist
Party with Sidney Graber ?
Mr. Santwire. I have.
Mr. Appell. Have you attended any of the State conferences of the
Communist Party Avith Sidney Graber?
Mr. Santwire. I believe that Sidney Graber has been in attendance
at closed party meetings consisting of members of the State leader-
ship.
Mr. Appell. Did you know David Mates to be a member of the
Communist Party ?
Mr. Santwire. I believe he was a member of the Communist Party.
Mr. Appell. Have you ever attended any closed meetings with
David Mates ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Santwire, in asking you if you know the following
individuals to be members of the Communist Party, I want you only
to say that you do if you have attended closed meetings of the Com-
munist Party with these individuals.
Mr. Appell. Evelyn Gladstone ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Max Trachtenberg ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes, T-r-a-c-h-t-e-n-b-e-r-g.
Mr. Appell. Ann S. Crowe?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Phillip H. Halper ?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Fred M. Fisch?
Mr, Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. James Cichocki?
5106 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
Mr, Santwire. Yes.
Mr, Appell, Edith Van Horn?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell, Ealpli Fileccia?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Sven Falk?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Harold L. Shapiro?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Benjamin F. Kocel?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Kichard Lawrence Davis?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr, Appell, Joe Chrin?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell, Robert Rowlson?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr, Appell, James R, Montgomery?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr, Appell. Vera Katz Raymond?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Shirley Goodman? '■
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Do you know what her occupation was ?
Mr. Santwire. I don't believe that I ever did know. She had a
brother, Cal, who was in the Navy, and she had some sisters who were
also active.
Mr. Appell. Thomas Bryant?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Janet Mitchnick?
Mr. Santwire. Yes.
Mr. Clardy. Mr. Appell, does that conclude all the questions you
have?
Mr. Appell. Yes, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Clardy. Very well then. We will now recess for lunch. It is
6 minutes after 1. We will recess for 1 hour, to about 5 minutes after
2. You will be excused, witness, for the present. You are continued
under the subpena.
(Thereupon, at 1 : 06 p. m., the hearing was recessed, to reconvene
at 2 : 05 p. m. of the same day.)
1 Now Mrs. Shirley Goodman Rapoport. On May 5, 1954, she appeared In executive
BPSsion and took refu.^c in the fifth amendment with respect to questions regarding Com-
munist I'arty mombership except to deny Communist Party membership as of that day. See
Investi.i,'ation of Communist Activities in the State of Michigan — Part 1 (Detroit — Educa-
tion), p. 5081.
INVESTIGATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE
STATE OF MICHIGAN— PABT 2
(Detroit— Labor)
THURSDAY, APRIL 29, 1954
United States House of Eepresentatives,
Subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities,
Detroit^ Mich.
executive session^
The subcommittee of the Committee on Un-American Activities
met, pursuant to recess, at 10 : 30 a. m., in room 1786, Hotel Fort Shelby,
Hon. Kit Clardy (acting chairman) presiding.
Committee members present : Representative Kit Clardy.
Staff members present : Mr. Donald T. Appell and Mr. W. Jackson
Jones, investigators.
Mr. Clardy. The hearing will be in order.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Chairman, I would like to call as may first witness
Mr. Steve Schemanske.
Would you stand and be sworn?
Mr. Clardy. You do solemnly swear the testimony you are about
to give will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth,
so help you God ?
Mr. ScHEMANSIiE. I do.
TESTIMONY OF STEPHEN J. SCHEMANSKE
Mr. Appell. Will you j^lease state your full name for the record ?
Mr. Schemanske. Stephen J. Schemanske.
Mr. Appell. When were you born ?
Mr. Schemanske. March 18, 1912.
Mr. Appell. Will you outline briefly your educational background ?
Mr. Schemanske. I attended the Assumption Grade School and
Holy Redeemer High School in Detroit, Mich. I spent 1 year at St.
Mary's Seminary at Orchard Lake. I also completed a business and
stenographic course at the Detroit Business Institute.
Mr. Appell. Are you the Stephen Schemanske who was a witness
for the United States Government at the recent Smith Act trials wliich
were held in Detroit, Mich ?
Mr. Schemanske. I am.
Mr. Appell. During the course of your testimony before the court
you were identified as having been a member of the Communist Party
^ Released by the committee.
5107
5108 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
and having worked as an undercover operative for some 17 years, is
that true ?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. It is.
Mr. Appell. Were you known within the Communist Party as
Stephen J. Schemanske?
Mr. Schemanske. No ; I was not.
Mr. Appell. By what name were you known within the Communist
Party?
Mr. Schemanske. I was known by the name of Steve Simmons,
S-i-m-m-o-n-s, and also Steve Semenuk, S-e-m-e-n-u-k.
Mr. Appell. So that as we go on with this record, any testimony
that you will be giving with respect to the Communist Party will be
on the basis of material that came into your possession while you
were a member of the Communist Party under the name Steve Sim-
mons or Steve Semenuk?
Mr. Schemanske. Correct.
Mr. Appell. Have you ever been a member of the Young Com-
munist League?
Mr. Schemanske. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Have you ever been a member of the Communist Party,
USA?
Mr. Schemanske. Yes.
Mr. Appell. What are the circumstances attendant to your joining
these organizations?
Mr. Schemanske. My primary purpose was to obtain information
on subversive activities.
Mr. Appell. When did you, to the best of your recollection, join
the Young Communist League ?
Mr. Schemanske. I joined in the latter part of 1938 approximately.
Mr. Appell. What was the Young Communist League at the time
you joined?
Mr. Schemanske. The Young Communist League was regarded as
the youth organization of the Communist Party. Its program was
based on the principles of Marxism and Leninism and conformed to
the program of the Communist Party. The Young Communist
League was regarded as the training center for young Communist
youth and their preparations for membership in the Communist
Party. Some of the leading members of the National Committee of
the Communist Party today have held membership in the Young
Communist League.
Mr. Appell. How long were you a member of the Young Com-
munist League?
Mr. Schemanske. I was a member of the Young Communist
League for approximately 5 years, from the latter part of 1938 to
the "latter part of 1943.
Mr. Appell. Did you hold any positions in the Young Communist
League ?
Mr. Schemanske. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Will you please tell us what they were ?
Mr. Schemanske. I was treasurer of the Wonders Branch of the
Toung Communist League, in which I held membership. I was also
i\ representative on the district committee and district council of the
Toung Communist League and m\is assigned the responsibility of
•secretary-treasurer of the Young Conununist League on tlie State
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5109
level. I participated at the national convention of the Young Com-
munist League in October 1943 when the Young Communist League
was dissolved and became the American Youth for Democracy.
Mr. AppELii. Can you briefly describe the organizational setup of
the Young Communist League during your period of membership ?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. The organizational setup of the Young Commu-
nist League during that period coincided closely with that of the
Communist Party. The Young Communist League of Michigan then
claimed a total membership of approximately 1,000 and was affiliated
with and controlled by the national office of the Young Communist
League in New York City.
The Michigan district of the Young Communist League had an
office adjoining the Michigan Communist Party offices, located at
2419 Grand River, Detroit. In 1943 the Young Communist League
had as its organizers Adeline Kohl or Lustgarten as State secretary
and Norman Ross as State administrative secretary. To the best
of my recollection, both Kohl and Ross were sent to the Michigan
area from New York City, on instruction from the national office of
the Young Communist League. The Michigan Young Communist
League at that time was completely governed by these full-time
organizers, who carried out the instructions handed down by the
national Young Communist League organization and also cooperated
fully with the Communist Party.
To impress the membership of its supposedly democratic organ-
ization, the Michigan Young Communist League was set up on the
following basis:
District buro: The district buro was considered the highest gov-
erning body within the State organization. Its membership con-
sisted of leading Young Communist League functionaries appointed
by the full-time paid Young Communist League State organizers,
who merely used them as puppets to enforce their objectives. Only
the most trusted and conscientious members were appointed to this
body, since they were considered the key leadership who carried
out the plan of action laid down by the national committee and also
dealt with local problems confronting the league, regarding organi-
zation, et cetera. To the best of my recollection, some of the mem-
bers of the district buro of the Young Communist League during
1942 to 1943 were Nonnan Ross, Adeline Kohl, Mary Cummins
Maraniss, Thomas Dennis, Anabel Purdy, Mabel Lee Smith, and
Martha Ross. The district organizational committee was composed
of individuals who were appointed by the district leadership to carry
out the policies of work within the district as laid down by the
district buro. During the period I held membership on the commit-
tee it was representative of the following: membership director,
Martha Ross; educational director, Thomas Dennis; literature and
review director, Anabel Purdy.
During 1943, the following Young Communist League branches
were represented in the Michigan area :
Ann Arbor, Doric Miller ; Frederick Douglass ; Colin Kelly ; Fos-
ter-Liberty; Patterson; Tom Paine Victory; West Side; Flint; and
Grand Rapids.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Schemanske, you have just identified as an of-
ficer of the Young Communist League Mary Cummins. Do you
know Mary Cummins by any other name?
5110 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. Yes, I do, Mary Ciimmins is now Mary Mar-
aniss, wife to Elliott Maraniss, who previously was an uncooperative
witness before this committee. Cummins is the maiden name of
Mary Maraniss.
Mr. Appell. Can you recall why the Young Communist League
was dissolved and replaced by the American Youth for Democracy?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. The purpose was to form a broad united front
youth movement in this country to support the war effort in line with
the policy and program of the Soviet Union, which was then under at-
tack by Hitler. The program for the American Youth for Democ-
racy organization, projected by Max Weiss, national president of
the Young Communist League, was practically the same program as
that carried out by the Young Communist League, with the exclusion
of the formerly required education of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and
Stalin. However, former Young Communist League members active
in the American Youth for Democracy would be able to get their
Marxist education within the Communist Party. In this respect,
the Communist Party would lower the age limit of membership.
This action was based on a series of proposals then submitted by the
national council of the Young Communist League relative to the dis-
solution of the Young Communist League and formation of the
American Youth for Democracy. These proposals in part state, and
I quote verbatim :
What about the Marxist education of youth? There is an important though
smaller section of the Young Communist League membership which is already
convinced of the correctness of the Marxist program for the development of
society and which adheres to the program of the Communist Party of the
United States. Such Communist youth should have the fullest opportunity to
expi'ess their views in a democratic youth organization. The convention shall
undoubtedly propose that other youth interested in these views shall have the
opportunity to learn more about Marxism and communism through classes and
study groups organized and voluntarily attended for that purpose. The Com-
munist youth will be able to pursue their full Communist activities through the
ranks of the Communist Party, just as any other youth would do through any
other political party, without necessarily leaving the youth organization, just
H.S they would not leave their trade union, et cetera.
Mr. Appell. To what Communist club were you assigned when you
joined the Communist Party?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. The Michigan Avenue Communist Club.
Mr. Appell. What position did you hold ?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. Following a brief period of membership, I was
assigned to the position of press director and also executive board
member. I held this position throughout practically the entire period
of my membership in the club. I was also on the West Side Section
Committee of the Communist Party.
Mr. Appell. Can you, to the best of your recollection, describe the
organizational setup of the Michigan Communist Party in Detroit's
west side area during your period of membership ?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. Tliis would cover an approximate 7-year period,
during which time many organizational changes were experienced
within the Michigan Communist Party as well as the west side area.
These chanijes were based on the overall program of the Communist
Party, local and national.
Prior to the dissolution of the Communist Party and formation of
the Communist Political Association, activities of the Communist
Party in Detroit's west side area were directed through the west side
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5111
Communist Party headquarters, then located at 5434 Michigan Ave-
nue, Detroit. To the best of my recollection, Communist Party sec-
tions then represented in this area were section 3, which had under its
jurisdiction the following: Local 157, Cadillac, Ternstedt, and Steel
Branches of the Communist Party ; section 8, composed of the Michi-
gan Avenue, Delray, Warren Avenue, Lithuanian, and Dearborn
branches; and section 10, composed of the Communist Party shop
branches within the Rouge, Willow Run, Lincoln, and Highland
Park plants of the Ford Motor Co.
Shortly prior to the formation of the Communist Political Asso-
ciation, the west side section headquarters of the Communist Party
were moved to 5642 Michigan Avenue, Detroit, where it remained the
center of Communist Party activity for approximately 6 years, being
vacated in June of 1950. Extent of activities of the various Commu-
nist Party sections in the west side area during their period of opera-
tions was centered toward extending the program of the Communist
Party in the section's field of concentration, namely industry, commu-
nity, mass organizations, and the language group field.
Mr. Appell. Who were the officers and leaders of the Michigan
Avenue Club in 1944 ?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. During my period of membership in the Mich-
igan Avenue Club and west side section of the Michigan Communist
Party in the section's field of concentration, namely industry, commu-
resulted in change and transfer of membership and leadership. Dur-
ing the period of 1944 I recall the following persons as being active
in leadership of the Michigan Avenue Communist Club : John Hell,
president; Ray Blossom, executive secretary; Ruben Mardiros, mem-
bership director; myself, press director; Clement Dalton, legislative
director; Olga Zenchuk, recording secretary; and Jack Lawson, treas-
urer.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Schemanske, you had identified as one of the offi-
cers of the Michigan Avenue Club of the Communist Party Jack
Lawson as treasurer. Is his given name John J. Lawson?
Mr. Schemanske. It is.
Mr. Appell. In 1944 the Communist Party dissolved and the Com-
munist Political Association was formed. Will you briefly outline
how this change was effective in Michigan ?
Mr. Schemanske. In Michigan this change took place in May of
1944 at the State convention of the Michigan Communist Party held
at 2705 Joy Road, Detroit. Delegates were told that a new policy
was to be adopted by the party for the party's cooperation with all
progressive movements during this time, as long as these movements
were in favor of the defeat of fascism. At the convention Arnold
Johnson, who at that time was State secretary of the Communist Party
of Ohio, presented an analysis of this policy. He stated that although
the Communist Party was dissolving as a political party, the Marxist-
Leninist theory of dialectical materialism would never be dissolved,
but would be applied in a manner suited to the conditions demanding
at that time. Shortly after this time the Communist Party in the
State of Michigan was dissolved. The Communist Political Associa-
tion was established. Upon its being established, those who were mem-
bers of the Communist Party organization had their membership
transferred to the Communist Political Association. Two other con-
48861— 54— pt. 2 5
5112 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
vention sessions followed, one held approximately 1 week later and
another the first week in June of 1944, which dissolved the Michigan
Communist Party and ratified the proceedings of the national Com-
munist Party convention.
Mr. Appell. After the Communist Party was dissolved, what po-
litical changes were made in the State of Michigan ?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. Following the dissolution of the Michigan Com-
munist Party and the formation of the Michigan Communist Political
Association, an all-out program of peaceful coexistence with capital-
ism was established. The party program of socialism was abandoned
and everything was directed toward the achievement of the new pro-
gressive coalition between labor and capital. During this period, the
party fully supported the draft program, increased production, and
vigorously supported the no-strike pledge and urged that it be con-
tinued in the postwar period. Communist shop clubs were dissolved
and their membership integrated into large Communist Political As-
sociation community clubs. Age limit of membership was lowered to
18. A program was immediately launched for membership recruiting
which resulted in membership ranging as high as two to three hun-
dred in a respective club. The program of the Communist Political
Association and the American Youth for Democracy was geared for
full support of the war effort, the Teheran Conference and defense
of the Soviet Union. The following persons were elected to leader-
ship of the Communist Political Association upon conclusion of the
June 1944 State convention, which dissolved the Communist Party
and formed the Michigan Communist Political Association: Pat
Toohey, president; George Hochberg, treasurer; Ann Beiswenger,
secretary; Nat Ganley; Audrey Moore; William McKie; and Jerry
Boyd, vice presidents.
To the best of my recollection, persons elected to the State com-
mittee of the Michigan Communist Political Association were Pat
Toohey, Nat Ganley, Ann Beisweinger, Dave White, George Hoch-
berg, Fred Williams, William McKie, Jerry Boyd, Byron Edwards,
Fred Fine, John Little, Mary Maraniss, Tom Dombrowski, Fay Mc-
Donald, Art Braunlich, James Anderson, Harry Fainaru, Verne Pi-
azza, William Fletcher, Paul Endicott, Mabel Lee Smith, Stanley
Adamske, and Eric Dearnley.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Schemanske, you have identified Dave White as
one or as a member of the State committee of the Michigan Com-
munist Political Association. Do you know whether or not Dave
Wiite is now deceased ?
Mr. Schemanske. He is.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Schemanske, in listing the vice presidents of the
Michigan Communist Political Association you have set forth four
nanies. During the committee's investigation it was determined that
during the days of the Communist Political Association there were
at least five vice presidents and that among the vice presidents was
Harold Rosen. Did you know Harold Rosen to be a vice president of
the Michigan Communist Political Association?
Mr. Schemanske. I do not recall whether or not Harold Rosen was
a vice president of the Michigan Communist Political Association.
Mr. Appell. Do you have any recollections of Harold Rosen as a
member of the Communist Party, either prior to or following the
days of the Communist Political Association ?
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5113
Mr. ScHEMANSKE, No, I do not. I can't state that Harold Rosen to
my knowledge was a member of the Communist Party. I might have
seen Eosen participating at certain party meetings, but at present I
do not recall his party activity, present or past.
Mr. Appell. One of the membei"s of the State committee of the
Michigan Communist Political Association identified by you is Verne
Piazza. Do you know Verne Piazza's occupational backgi'ound ?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. I recall his occupational background as being
that of a dentist.
Mr. Appell, Did you know Verne Piazza as a member of the Com-
munist Party in addition to being a member of the Communist Polit-
ical Association?
Mr. ScHEMANSio:. I have seen Verne Piazza at numerous party
meetings.
Mr. Appell. Another member of the State committee of the Com-
munist Political Association that you identified was Harry Fainaru.
Are you acquainted with the occupational background of Harry
Fainaru ?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. It was my understanding that Harry Fainaru
was the editor of the Eumanian press. That was the Eomanul
American.
Mr. Appell. Is that a Eumanian language newspaper ?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. YcS.
Mr. Appell. How long was the Communist Political Association in
progress ?
Mr. ScHNBiANSKE. From approximately June 1944 to the recon-
stitution of the Communist Party in August of 1945.
Mr. Appell. Will you tell in your own words what were the events
leading up to the reconstitution of the Communist Party in this
district?
Mr. ScHEMANsitE. I remember attending a district membership
meeting of the Michigan Communist Political Association in the
early part of June 1945, held at Schiller Hall, which is located on the
corner of Gratiot and St. Aubin, Detroit. This meeting w^as called for
the purpose of clarifying the then recent Duclos article which had
appeared in the May edition of the Daily Worker, relative to the dis-
solution of the Communist Party in the United States. At the meet-
ing, Pat Toohey, then chairman of the Communist Political Associa-
tion in Michigan, was replaced by Carl Winter, who had been assigned
by the national office to replace Toohey as head of the Communist
Party m the State of Michigan. Carl Winter gave a report at the
meeting analyzing the Duclos article which attacked the policy of
Earl Browder relative to the dissolution of the Communist Party" and
the formation of the Communist Political Association. In analyzing
the article. Winter was neither pro nor con, and urged that no discus-
sions be raised or conclusions drawn among the membership until such
time as a statement was issued by the national committee of the Com-
munist Political Association regarding a change of program. He
stated that the statement or resolution of the national board would be
submitted as a draft for discussion and action with the national
committee.
Subsequent to the above meeting, a special State convention of the
Michigan Communist Political Association took place in July of 1945
at the Civil Center, located at Erskine and John E Streets, Detroit. We
5114 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
were told that the purpose of the convention was to act on the draft
resohition of the national committee to elect three delegates to a special
national convention to be held in New York City the latter part of
July 1945. Following the election of a resolutions committee, Carl
Winter presented his report to the convention. Among some of the
points which I recall his speaking of was the need for the party to
once again regain its role as the Marxist vanguard party of the Ameri-
can working class, to change the name of the organization back to the
Communist Party, to carry out a proposed program of education to
be initiated within the Communist Party organization with reference
to the basic teachings of Marxism and Leninism, and the need for con-
sistent self-criticism on the part of party leadership for deviating from
the Marxist-Lfcninist principle. The convention elected Carl Winter,
Nat Ganley, and Bob Washington as delegates to the national con-
vention.
The concluding session of this convention was held in August 1945,
subsequent to the national convention, at the civic center. The pro-
ceedings of the national convention were ratified and the Communist
Party was reconstituted, based on the principles of Marxism and
Leninism.
Mr. Appell. Did you continue as a member of the Michigan Avenue
Club?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. Yes.
Mr. Appell. What became the objectives of the Michigan Avenue
Club at that time?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. The immediate plan of action adopted by this
club at that particular time was: (1) Reconstruction or reorganiza-
tion of their entire organization, as proposed in the program and con-
stitution adopted at the mentioned National and State conventions of
the Communist Party, during which the Communist Political Asso-
ciation was dissolved; (2) shop branches reorganized as a basic form
of Communist organization; (3) immediate program of action to in-
volve and activize every member of the former Communist Political
Association into the reconstituted Communist Party.
No definite plans were made to organize a national recruiting drive
at that time. The national board of the Communist Party proposed
instead the reconstruction or reorganization of their entire member-
ship, due to the so-called infected revisionist policy, as adopted by
their organization under the leadership of Earl Browder.
At a Communist Party meeting held in February of 1946, Carl
Winter, State chairman of the Communist Party, pointed the neces-
sity of again forming shop clubs, and stated that the dissolution of
Communist shop branches during the Communist Political Associa-
tion period had seriously weakened the party's role in industry. He
stated that with the reconstitution of the Communist Party and for-
mation of shop clubs, it would be necessary to conduct an educational
campaign within the party to develop leadership in keeping with the
historical tasks of the Communist Party. The main purpose of this
educational program would be to transform the present membership
into active Communists who understood party policies and tasks and
who were ready to assume responsibility in carrying out these policies
and tasks. Winter further referred to the reorganizational stage of
the i:>arty in Michigan and stated that progress was being made in the
organization of shop clubs. He mentioned that at that time. Com-
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5115
munist shop clubs had been organized in General Motors, Packard,
Ford, Plymouth, Local 155, and Bohn Alinninum, He reported that
concentration on Communist Party shop clubs in Chrysler, Packing,
Steel, Leather, and Timken Axle was the next party organizational
step planned by the Michigan Communist Party leadership.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Schemanske, you have just referred to a meeting
of the Communist Party which was held in February of 1946 at which
Carl Winter pointed out the necessity of again forming shop clubs.
Winter did not mean to state that no organizational structure in Mich-
igan had been set up on a shop club level, but only that all of the
shop clubs had not been set up at that time?
Mr. Schemanske. Correct, in other words, General Motors, Pack-
ard, and Ford, were already set up.
Mr. Appell. Immediately with the end of the Communist Political
Association those you set forth set up their shop clubs.
Mr. Schemanske. That is right.
Mr. Appell. Was there a directive earlier than Carl Winter's
speech of February of 1946 ?
Mr. Schemanske. Yes, there was.
John Williamson, in his article in Political Affairs of September
1945, dealt with the reactivation of shop units and said as follows :
The present Communist shop bi-anches will not be patterned after the former
Communist Party shop branches. The community clubs shall remain the major
and important form of the orsanization. Pi'esent plans are to set up shop
hranches only in the major industries and involve their trade-union members
active in these plans. Communist Party members who are at present active
in trade unions and do not find time to function or attend their community club
meetings will be transferred into shop branches. Each club will review its
membership and transfer these members who, in their opinion, should be placed
in the shop branch category. This will be done with the aid and assistance of
the district shop branch committee, which has already been set up and will or-
ganize and control the shop branch State organization.
The chairman reported that the district plans at the present time to set up
shop branches in Ford, Chrysler, and rubber. Shop branches of each respective
industry will not be concentrated into one section as was previously done prior
to the dissolution of these branches, but will be centered around community
clubs. Eliminated also will be the building unit setup which previously existed
in the Ford section. The party's aim is not to function independently within
the industry. Their shop branches are set up. Previous experiences in shop
branch organization where Communist-held caucuses experienced bitter fac-
tional fight and among its own ranks produced trade-union opportunists or pork
choppers according to the new shop branch setup is going to be eliminated.
The party directive to its trade-union members is to work directly with their
local union on all problems dealing with or pertaining to their work within the
shop they are employed. The party will merely offer guidance to its shop
branch membership as to the correct policies carrying out its program. This
they intend to do by calling plantwide meetings of their membership within
the respective industries.
Mr. Appell. In other words, it appears to the committee, Mr.
Schemanske, that Carl Winter, in his speech of February 1946, was
taking the emphasis off of the community clubs as Williamson placed
it. in Political Affairs, September 1945, and Carl Winter was now
placing the emphasis upon the shop club, with the community club an
incidental organizational function. Do you agree with this?
Mr. Schemanske. Then the policy and program of the Communist
Party, the main concentration, was industrial concentration, I would
say.
Mr. Clardy. That is the way it appears to us, also.
5116 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. That is right.
Mr. Appell. Did the Michigan Avenue Club work with the Ford
section of the Communist Party ?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. Yes. In fact, we shared the same headquarters
at 5642 Michigan Avenue. The activities of our club as well as other
Communist clubs located in the west side, Dearborn, and downriver
areas were directed toward Ford concentration.
Mr. Appell. What events led up to the assignment of the Michigan
Avenue as well as other Communist clubs to Ford concentration?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. Tliis was a decision handed down by the national
and State offices of the Communist Party, which designated Ford
as the key Communist industrial concentration center.
Mr. Appell. Have you any directives issued by the Communist
Party dealing with Ford concentration?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. Yes. In this respect I would like to introduce
the following exhibits, which in part outline the Communist pro-
gram in Ford.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Chairman, I would like to offer as Schemanske
exhibit No. 1 a mimeographed publication of the Communist Party
entitled "Resolution on Concentration for Discussion at All Clubs,
Sections, Commissions, and Departments."
Mr. Clardy. Exhibit 1 will be received.
(Mimeographed document entitled "Resolution on Concentration
for Discussion at All Clubs, Sections, Commissions, and Depart-
ments," marked "Schemanske Exhibit No. 4," was received in
evidence.)
SCHEMANSKE EXHIBIT NO. 1
Resolution on Concentkation for Discussion at All Clubs, Sections,
Commissions and Departments
Our party in Michigan has a great responsibility to move the auto workers into
struggle against their exploiters — the auto barons and their stooges in Govern-
ment. The auto monopolists are a key section of American imperialism, which
seeks political and economic domination of the world, and the crushing of the
people's democracies and the Soviet Union through a predatory war.
To carry through these objectives in the face of a rapidly developing economic
crisis — deepened by the Marshall plan and the reactionary foreign policy — the
bourgeoisie of our country, more and more travels along the road of instituting
one fascist measure after another.
An aroused, conscious working-class and trade-union movement, can rally the
rest of the population to defeat the drive to hunger, war, and fascism. The
bourgeoisie concentrates its efforts on weakening the labor movement. It strikes
out in the first place against the Communist Party seeking to behead and paralyze
labor's will to struggle.
Never before has there been such a direct, ideological offensive on the part of
the bourgeoisie to convince the American worker that his interests and the
interests of the billionaire finance capitalists are identical. They are attempting
to sell their imperialist program as a just, noble, and necessary mission of Amer-
ica which will benefit the workers. This propaganda barrage exalts the free
enterprise system, as the finest, though not perfect, development of mankind. In
contrast, socialism is presented by them as a horrible prison camp, which at its
best, is never equal to American capitalism with all its weaknesses.
The. main Instrument in their ideological campaign to divide the labor move-
ment and corrupt sections of the white working class, is their attempt to intoxi-
cate the American workers with attitudes of Anglo-Saxon chauvinist national-
ism. White chauvinism has merged with and become the spearhead of the
preparation and organization of fascist violence against labor and the people.
They are moving every propaganda medium, spending millions to try to convince
the American workers that the Comnmnists are foreign agents who are trying to
provoke chaos and disorder, to destroy democratic rights, etc.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5117
To facilitate this ideological offensive from the outside, Social Democrats,
Trotskyites, labor reformists carry on simultaneously a supporting ideological
offensive within the labor movement. Lenin, long ago, pointed out the role of the
Social Democrats as agents of the bourgeoisie within the ranks of the labor
movement. They are the bribed section of the labor movement who sacrifice the
interests of the immense majority for a minority of the labor movement. They
receive the praise, buildup, and support of the bourgeoisie in order to enhance
their role.
The American bourgeoisie knows that tremendous rank-and-file movements
can break through and move even a social democratic leadership. Therefore,
they carry through simultaneously more direct attacks. These take the fol-
lowing forms :
1. Promoting divisions within the labor movement, particularly along
racial lines (Negro versus white), through a carefully executed policy of
throwing Negroes out of industry and refusing to upgrade Negroes and refus-
ing to hire Negroes.
2. Attempting to separate the militant leadership from the trade-union
movement through the Taft-Hartley law, deportations, penalties within the
shop of militant committeemen, etc.
3. Direct attacks, such as fines, injunctions, protection of scabs.
4. Softening up through reduction in size, of committeemen, umpire sys-
tem, no-strike clauses in contract, company security clauses, etc.
Yet the bourgeoisie, assisted by the Social Democrats, have not been able to
stampede millions of workers into hysterical mass support for their program of
hunger, war, and fascism. Every experience has indicated that, where workers
are given the proper leadership, the will to struggle breaks through and tre-
mendous rank-and-file movements develop despite the efforts of the Social Demo-
cratic leadership.
The concentration work of the party must result in real and substantial
contributions by the party to the fight for —
1. The people's livelihood, including the defense of the union.
2. People's liberty, above all, the case of the 12 and the fight for Negro
rights, plus mass reactions to each attack on the liberties of the people.
3. People's peace, above all, a mass campaign against military appropria-
tion to supplement the North Atlantic military alliance, for friendship with
the Soviet Union, and for the opening of trade channels with the people's
democracies, China and the Soviet Union.
4. People's democratic advancement, especially in terms of cementing
the alliance of the labor movement with the Negro people's liberation
struggle.
Our objectives, stated broadly then, in our concentration work can be gener-
alized as follows:
1. To stimulate the broadest united front actions of employed and unem-
ployed auto workers, especially in the plant and local union levels, to break
through the deadlocked bargaining on the 1949 economic and contract
demands and to make the trusts pay for the unfolding economic crisis.
2. To strengthen the leading role of the working class in the democratic
people's coalition by moving the auto workers into decisive and leading
action on the political problems facing the American people, the struggle
against hunger, war, and fascism.
3. To heighten the unity of Negro and white workers through resolute
campaigns for Negro rights, accompanied by mass education and struggle
against white chauvinism.
4. To lead widespread rank-and-file movements in the plants and depart-
ments on the economic issues facing the workers.
5. To help build, broaden, and unify a coalition of progressive forces
in each department and shop and local, welded into a stable regional and
national organization which will function on an all-year-round basis.
6. To expose the demagogy of and isolate the Social Democrats and re-
formist labor leaders. To defeat the Trotskyites in their despicable role as
provocateurs and splitters of the progressive coalition.
7. To deepen the understanding of the workers in the struggle against
imperialism, for socialism.
8. To decisively strengthen and build the Communist Party and raise its
ideological level as the vanguard of the working class.
5118 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
Our State committee has just reviewed 9 months of concentration work by our
party since the last State convention. In that time our party has increased its
attention to the problems of the auto workers. The face of our party has been
presented to the auto workers to a greater degree than in the past 10 years. We
have seen the development of economic struggles, dramatized in the Ford strike
against speedup, despite the stifling attempts of Reuther. A beginning has been
made in the development of the united front from below.
This period of time has seen the consolidation of some party shop clubs, an
improvement in the sale of party literature, a greater utilization of the Michigan
Worker as the major instrument for the concentration work. Among our com-
rades in auto there is higher morale and greater confidence in the determination
of the State leadership of the party to decisively influence the auto workers.
This resolution, based on the discussion of the State committee and the expe-
riences in the past 9 months, will attempt to present some of the major problems
necessary to be overcome in charting the next steps.
FOR A DRASTIC IMPROVEMENT IN THE WORK AMONG GENERAL MOTORS WORKERS
This is a precondition tor further advancement in auto. GM employs 350.000
auto workers of the 1 million within the UAW. Saginaw Valley, comprising
Flint, Pontiac, and Saginaw, is the heart of the GM empire, with 150,000 auto
workers. The city of Flint has some 56,000 GM workers. Flint is the key ta
moving the GM division of the UAW\ the division which Reuther heads and
therefore the key to striking a powerful blow against social democracy. What-
ever develops in Flint has great influence on the entire UAW.
The UAW convention exposed the weakness of our party's industrial concen-
tration method of work in auto. The anti-Reuther forces did not have a majority
bnse in anj one of the auto's Big Three. Where party work was on a relatively
higher level as in Ford, the anti-Reuther strength was greatest. In GM our main
national concentration sector, the progressives were weakest of all. Flint and
Pontiac, with strong anti-Reuther forces in the past, were Reuther strongholds
in this convention despite the mass dissatisfaction of the GM workers with wage
cuts, increased speedup, phony umpires, and frozen contracts. It's therefore
clear that we need a drastic improvement in our work in auto, in the first place in
our work in GM, without in any way curtailing our work in Ford which remains
our main concentration point in Michigan's Wayne County.
Our leadership must face this problem and map out comprehensive proposals
for continuous assistance and attention to this, the No. 1 concentration on a
State scale.
FOR AN IDEOLOGICAL CAMPAIGN ON THE ROLE OF THE WORKING CLASS AS THE PRE-
REQUISITE FOR WINNING THE ENTIRE PARTY AND PROGRESSIVE MOVEMENT FOR
CONCENTRATION WORK
Experience in the last 9 months has revealed that the mobilization of the entire
party in Wayne County to carry through the concentration objectives around the
Wayne County concentration on Ford is totally inadequate. We have failed to
carry through a consistent, widespread ideological campaign within our party as
the basic prerequisite for concrete organizational steps to bring about a situation
in which concentrated activity among auto workers, and particularly Ford, will
be the basic method of work of the entire party. Such an ideological campaign
is necessary to take our concentration work out of the realm of another task.
Gus Hall, in his article in April's Political Affairs, expresses our tasks in this
regard appropriately :
"As a result of our experience, it is now clear that industrial concentration
cannot be viewed as a task ; it is not an assignment that you give to one section
of the party. Industrial concentration is a basic Leninist method of work for
the whole party. Industrial concentration means giving life to some basic
Leninist concepts of a Marxist party. It gives life to the Leninist concept of the
Communist Party as the vanguard of the working class. It gives meaning to the
whole idea that ours is a working-class party. It gives life to the concept that
we must take hold of the main link, the link that will move everything else at
the given moment.
"Industrial concentration gives content to the Leninist concept of the hegemony
of the proletariat in all phases and stages of the struggle. If we agree with
Lenin that 'only a class like the proletariat could rally around itself all the
forces discontented with capitalism,' then we must show that agreement by
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5119
applying the method of industrial concentration in leading and winning the
proletariat. * * *
"One cannot speak seriously about replacing capitalism by socialism unless the
decisive role the working class must perform in this transformation is fully
grasped.
"No movement, organization, or coalition dedicated to human progress can
succeed today unless the working class is an integral part — in fact, the most
decisive part — of such a movement.
"The working class will not play this decisive role automatically. It must be
organized ; it must be made conscious of being a class in struggle with the capi-
talist class; it must be infused with political consciousness; it must be taught
how to unravel the hidden forms of slavery and exploitation; it must be guided
along the road to victory over its class foe. Marxism-Leninism is the key to
accomplishing all these tasks. We must use this key by concentrated attention
to this all-important and decisive section of the population.
"Industrial concentration is the basic method and approach toward everything
we do. Issues and tactics will change, but the role of the working class in general
and of the workers in basic industry in particular is a constant, permanent ele-
ment in all industrial concentration plans or objectives. Industrial concentration
is the method of work of the party of a new type. * * *
"Finally, industrial concentration is not a seasonal occupation. It is not a
method of work that we will use only for a period of time. It is a permanent
method of work."
It is necessary to restate once again why Ford is the major concentration of
Wayne County. Local 600 is the largest industrial unit in the world. The
entire labor movement watches local 600 as a barometer indicating trends in the
cour.se and policies of American labor. Local 600 has been and still remains the
biggest bulwark against the domination of the labor movement by the Social
Democratic leadership and policies of the UAW.
Local 600 has the largest concentration of Negi'o workers in America, the
foundry alone employing some 6,000 Negro workers. The plant is located in the
16th Congressional District, the largest working-class district in the United
States, populated by many national groups. This district alone has three heavily
populated Negro communities, Inkster, Ecorse, and River Rouge. The Rouge,
with its 60,000 industrial workers, the heavy concentrated population of foreign
born, and the strong progressive Negro communities, all combine to make Ford
the greatest potential force for peace, democracy, and socialism in Wayne County.
Such an understanding flowing from the ideological campaign would help to
reorient every aspect of party work and party organization toward the central
objectives of reaching, influencing, and winning the workers in auto. It would
insure that auto would become the knowledge, concern, and everyday activity
of all leaders and organizations of our party on all levels. It would assist all
clubs of the party to undertake specific responsibility with regard to the main
concentration of Wayne County, Ford, and to the miscellaneous auto section.
Clubs would strive to recruit shop workers, with the aim of changing the
composition of many community and nationality clubs to embrace a majority
of auto workers and their families.
Many comrades would be encouraged to volunteer to change their jobs to seek
employment in large auto plants. Hundreds of additional comrades would be
reenrolled in an ever-growing brigade to go out early in the morning, in the after-
noon, and late evenings to sell the Michigan Worker, party literature, or distrib-
ute leaflets at shops and in communities where auto workers work and live to
organize and influence the wives and children of auto workers through activities
in the communities. In short, the activities of every club, section, department,
commission, progressive mass organization would be directed toward helping
in every way to achieve our objectives of auto concentration. No club or group
of our party can grow and develop if its plans, perspective, and activity are not
constantly related to reaching, influencing, and recruiting auto worlvers.
FOR A STRUGGLE AGAINST STRONG TENDENCIES OF ECONOMISM WHICH ENDANGERS OUE
WORK IN THE TRADE-UNION MOVEMENT
The key link to accomplishing our objectives in auto concentration is a forth-
right recognition of the need to struggle against and overcome strong tendencies
of economism which have weakened our activity. This is a deep-rooted problen?
of long duration which has plagued us for many years. The recent period has
5120 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
not been distinguished by a vigilant struggle against it. Too much of our party
work and activity is confined to narrow trade-union issues.
It reveals itself most sharply in the neglect and underestimation of the party
organization, unstable status of the shop clubs of our party, and the alarmingly
low rate of recruitment of auto workers into the party. Further evidence is our
failure to fully utilize the major instruments of the party for mass education
and our acceptance of low standards of performance as our accepted norm.
Our work is characterized by a continuous hesitation to undertake energetic
action to move the workers into struggle on any questions outside of the immediate
practical trade-union issues, particularly the struggle for Negro rights, defense
of the 12, activity in opposition to the North Atlantic Pact, etc. The sporadic
activity to help build the Progressive Party, the poor attendance of auto workers
at the Marxist Michigan School of Social Science, all flow from economist ten-
dencies which pervades our organization. One has but to analyze the subjects
of discussion at the club meetings in the past months to realize that political
education, which would lead to action on the major political questions of the
day, is not always the predominant feature of our meetings. All this requires
an intense ideological campaign against economism through systematic study
and discussion of Lenin's What Is To Be Done?
Unless the State board and State committee helps raise the political content
and activity of our comrades in the shops, then the ability to lead workers effec-
tively in resistance to the coming economic crisis will be most difficult. The root
source of basic economic problems auto workers face (speedup, short workweek,
unemployment, impending wage cuts, attacks against Negro auto workers, dis-
crimination, etc.) is directly the result of the imperalist war program of the Wall
Street monopolists and their efforts to create a Fascist United States. The
auto barons and their lackeys in the labor movement are trying to put over a
guns, not butter, economy. This understanding is the touchstone of everything.
The role assigned to the ACTU, Trotskyites and especially the Social Demo-
crats, is precisely to mislead and dull the fighting resistance of the workers. The
betrayal by Reuther of the recent Ford strike against speedup was the logical
consequence of his unqualified support for the Truman doctrine, the Marshall
plan and now the North Atlantic Military Alliance, stepping stones toward fas-
cism and imperialist war. To justify such betrayals he has often unashamedly
admitted that these "sacrifices" were necessary in order that the war program
be put over.
Communist auto workers understand this. Therefore they make a key con-
tribution to the welfare of their fellow workers when they constantly strive
to help raise the level of political consciousness and understanding. Only in so
doing are the guaranties created to successfully resist the attempts of the monopo-
lists and their lackeys to place the burden of the coming economic crisis on the
backs of the workers.
In this period of mounting, crucial struggles, continuing economist trends
and tendencies serve only to impair the class consciousness and understanding
of workers. It becomes an impediment to the full mobilization of auto workers
in the struggle against hunger, war, and fascism.
The struggle against economist trends has to turn from words and talk to deeds
and action. The same organizing genious and zeal for detail, the same alertness
which Communist auto workers have learned in helping to organize, build, and
defend their local unions, must now be reflected in organizing the fight for peace ;
organizing the fight for Negro rights; organizing the defense of democratic
rights ; organizing to bring the "case of the twelve" before their fellow workers
and local unions.
In the coming months there will take place the full unfolding of the struggle
of the auto workers to break through the deadlocked 1949 economic and bar-
gaining demands and make the auto barons pay for the unfolding economic
crisis. To help guarantee this fight and break the deadlock, our party projects
the following main campaigns for the next 31/2 months; the fight for peace,
"Defense of the 12," fight against white chauvinism and for Negro rights, full
participation in the municipal elections. To the extent that these questions
become the concern of the auto workers and they move on them, to that extent
will be their victory on the economic questions.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5121
FOB MAKING THE MICHIGAN WORKER THE MAIN MASS IDEOLOGICAL INSTRUMENT OF
CARRYING THROUGH THE CONCENTRATION OBJECTIVES OF THE PARTY
In the past 3 montlis the concept of the Michigan Worker as the mass ideolog-
ical instrument for carrying party policy to the auto worliers has slipped into
the background of our practical work.
This approach, when it permeated all of the party's work for 18 months,
resulted in Michigan developing what was characterized by the national leader-
ship of the party, the best State edition with the greatest proportionate circula-
tion. This position must be regained immediately.
The paper must be used particularly by the auto sections and clubs as an
organizing instrument in their mass campaigns among the aiito workers. For
this purpose, special editions must be organized on a planned basis.
The content of the paper must reflect the political as well as the economic strug-
gles of the workers, and must also serve to deepen the workers' understanding
of capitalism as a system of exploitation which they must take the lead ^'^
removing in order to replace it with socialism.
The Michigan Worker must deepen the workers' class consciousness and expose
the class nature of the capitalist state. But it must also show the working class
how capitalism oppresses not only the workers but all sections of the population
except the handful of supermagnates. The Michigan Worker must become a
tribune of the people, which exposes and explains every form of exploitation and
oppression, and mobilizes the people, and the working class in the first place, to
resistance against the bourgeoisie. "Thus will the Michigan Wox'ker help to make
the working class conscious of its vanguard role in rallying all oppressed sections
of the people against capitalism.
FOR AN ALL-OUT FIGHT TO STABILIZE THE PARTY SHOP CLUB AND PARTY ORGANIZATION
Tackling and overcoming the extremely unstable, unsatisfactory jwlitical and
organizational status of the party shop clubs is of first-rate importance. It is a
prime responsibility of leadership in our party, to address itself to the solution
of this problem — the daily struggle to realize in life the Marxist concept of our
party — as the vanguard of the working class, its highest form of organization, its
organized detachment.
The application of the spirit of our resolution, and the execution of our plan
of work will illustrate in life, the role and function of our party. It will demon-
strate the necessity of a well-organized, disciplined Communist Party, constantly
being built as a result of struggle.
The State committee calls upon the entire party to complete the recruiting
goals of 200 auto workers by the Dearborn and miscellaneous auto sections, and
an additional 50 by the remainder of the clubs in Wayne County, as well as 20
in the Saginaw Valley.
IMPROVE THE FUNCTIONING OF THE STATE ORGANIZATION
A change in the system of leadership, and the division of labor in the State
organization is necessary to move concentration work into the next higher stages.
At the present moment there appears to be a contradiction between daily leader-
ship to the concentration tasks of our party, and the everyday campaigns and
mobilizations of our party. The tremendous administrative work, the necessity
for attention to outstate which comprises one-third of the membership, the prob-
lems involved in giving leadership to mass organizations, and the fact that there
are only two people directly in the State office, prevent full attention to winning
the sections in Wayne County to the concentration work. These problems like-
wise prevent consistent political assistance to the sections in Wayne County,
making for "fire-brigade" methods of work, and lack of close political guidance.
It is proposed, therefore, that three comrades shall work out of the State
office, including the district organizer. The responsibility of one of the comrades
shall be active, daily, leadership to the sections and clubs in Wayne County. A
Wayne County committee shall be established under the leadership of a county
secretary. This shall not be a body which replaced the prime responsibility of
the State board for Wayne County. Neither shall a duplicate apparatus to the
State apparatus be established.
5122 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGA]Sf
Our State committee calls upon all clubs, sections, departments, commissions,
Communists in mass organizations, to organize the widespread discussion of this
resolution as well as the plan of work accompanying it. The objective is to
create within our party the fullest discussion, and opportunity for creative
thinking, suggestions, criticism and self-criticism — all leading, of course, to the
working out of concrete plans for reorientating the work of all levels of our
party toward the auto workers, and the accomplishment of our plan of work.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Chairman, I would like to offer as Schemanske
exhibit No. 2 a mimeographed outline entitled "Plan of Work, Dear-
born Auto Section, from July 15 to November 1."
Mr. Clardy. Exhibit 2 will be received.
(The mimeographed document entitled, "Plan of Work, Dearborn
Auto Section," marked Schemanske exhibit No. 2 was received in_
evidence.)
(SCHEMANSKE EXHIBIT NO. 2)
Plan of Work Dearborn Auto Section From Jtjly 15 to November 1, 1949'
introduction
Our plan of work has the following main objectives: (a) To strengthen the-
leading role of the working class in the democratic people's coalition, by moving
the Rouge workers into decisive and leading action on the major political
problems facing the American people, the struggle again war and fascism ;
(b) To heighten the unity of Negro and white workers through resolute cam-
paigns for Negro rights, accompanied by mass education and struggle against
white chauvinism ;
(c) To stimulate widespread rank and file movements in the plants and
departments of the economic issues facing the workers;
(d) To expose the demagogy of, and isolate the Social Democrats and re-
formist labor leaders ;
(e) To deepen the understanding of the workers in the struggle against im-
perialism for socialism ;
(f) To decisively strengthen and build the Communist Party, as the van-
guard of the working class.
These main objectives call for above all, a qualitative improvement in the-
Work of our party. The key link in the accomplishment of our general objec-
tives, is a forthright recognition of the deep-rooted economism which character-
izes our activties and methods of work, thereby confining the scope of party
woi'k to activity on narrow trade union issues, and preventing the full mobiliza-
tion of the militant Rouge workers into the struggle against war and fascism.
The plan of worlv, therefore, will reflect this emphasis and reorientation for the
Communists in the Rouge.
IMPROVE THE IDEOLOGICAL WORK
In the next 3^2 months, in order to carry out the objectives listed in the
introduction of our plan work, it will be necessary to concentrate our ideological'
work on the following (i questions: 1. Economism. 2. I'arty. 3. The Negro Peo-
ple's Liberation Movement. 4. The Struggle for Peace. 5. Social Democracy.
6. Socialism.
Following are the forms of execution :
1. Club meetings — The major time at club meetings will be spent on political
education, based on assigned self-study, with the aim of organizing action,
flowing from the discussions at club meetings.
2. Literature — Our concrete objectives are : (a) 100 political affairs per month,
(b) Sale of basic literature to accompany ciul) discussions, (c) Sale of 100
special $1 edition of Harry Haywood's "Negro Liberation." (d) 500 of Foster's
"Twilight of American Capitalism, 3 per member, (e) Average 2,500 sale of all
party mass pamphlets.
3. Schools and classes — (a) 50 students to the fall term of the Workers School,
(b) One training school of Dearborn section, (c) Ford members to be sent to
all schools, (d) System of new members classes.
4. Mass forms — (a) Issuance of weekly Bill McKie newsletter, (b) Issu-
ance of weekly Nelson Davis newsletter, (c) Monthly Dearborn Auto Section
COMMUlSriST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5123
Forum, sponsored by Worker, (d) Monthly mailing from section to 450 top
and secondary union leaders, (e) Periodic Communist Party leaflets, at least
50,000 per month, (f) Continuous letters to Ford Facts, particularly in answer
to the numerous attacks on the party and party policy.
5. Community activity. — Communists in the Rouge shall be obligated to carry
on community activity, particularly in the 16th Congressional District, helping
to build the Progressive Party, Civil Rights Congress, NAACP, etc.
CONCENTRATION CAMPAIGNS FOE OUE PAETY
In its drive to war and fascism, the bourgeoisie uses as its twin weapons, anti-
communism and anti-Negroism, just as Hitler used anti-communism and anti-
Semitism. It is therefore incumbent on our party, at all times to connect the
<iefense of the 12 and the struggle for Negro rights with all activity. It is pro-
posed that we give primary emphasis to :
(A) Defense of the 12. — Already four leaders of our party have been jailed
during the course of the trial, in the attempt to illegalize the party. A totally
inadeiinate campaign has been organized at the Rouge. The following is
suggested :
1. Organization of a Ford workers committee for release of the 12.
2. This committee to sponsor radio time, leaflets, letters to Ford Facts,
telegram campaign.
3. Building delegations to be sent to New York to see Medina.
4. Speakers before building meetings.
5. Mass meeting to be organized in Dearborn.
6. Gigantic banquet in honor of Bill McKie.
(B) Struggle for Negro rights. — Tlie pressing, immediate issue is the almost
complete exclusion of Negroes from amongst the thousands hired in the Rouge
since the strike ended. Starting with this campaign for jobs for Negroes will
follow issues such as upgrading, contract protection, Jim Crow in Dearborn, pro-
motion to all levels of leadership in the union, special demands for foundry
workers, police brutality, Ingram case, etc. The following is suggested to get
started :
1. Resolutions in all building, executive, and membership meetings, to be
forwarded to local executive board by delegations.
2. Leaflets in all buildings to be signed by masses of Negro and white
workers.
3. Lunch-time demonstrations in front of labor relations.
4. Letters to Ford Facts.
5. Building demonstrations in front of hiring oflSces.
EOLE OF COMMUNISTS IN THE PR0GRESSI\TE COALITION
Individual Communists are expected to show the greatest personal responsi-
bility in helping to build and strengthen the Progressive coalition, on a local
wide scale, as well as in the buildings. The coalition must develop beyond a
temporary electoral combination, into a permanent and stable organization,
functioning on an all-year-round basis, reacting to issues, putting out material,
holding meetings, organizing activity on the issues facing the Ford workers.
At the present time, for instance, tlie coalition must emerge with a resolute cam-
paign to end the speedup, and to end the secret negotiations which can only
lead to a sellout similar to the strike "arbitration." The coalition must come
forward as the champions of the needs of the Ford workers along the lines of
the program they advanced for contract negotiations during the local elections.
Individual Communists must ever seek, in a patient and friendly way, to raise
the level of understanding of the Pi'Ogressives, seeking to involve them program-
matically and individually in higher forms of struggle against the North Atlan-
tic Pact, against the illegalization of the Communist Party, and the dismissal
of the indictments against the Communist Party leaders, friendship and trade
with the Soviet Union and the European Democracies, struggle for Negro rights,
etc.
CONSISTENT EXPANSION OF MICHIGAN WORKEE
It has been amply illustrated during the speedup campaign, that the Michi-
gan Worker is the principal organizing instrument of our party, if properly co-
ordinated with the work of our party, capable of setting tens of thousands
of Rouge workers into motion. It will be necessary therefore in the next 3^/i
5124 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES EST THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
months, to prepare at least 2 special editions of the Michigan Worker, around
the two concentration campaigns of the party. Concrete objectives are :
(a) 2,000 copies of special editions (with assistance of State press depart-
ment).
( b ) Secure renewal of all expiring subscriptions.
(c) Secure 300 additional subscriptions.
id) Organize weekly bundle sale of 300.
BtriLD AND STBENGTHEN THE PARTY
The execution of the plan of work will illustrate in life the roll and function of
our party. It will demonstrate the necessity of a well-organized, disciplined
Communist Party, constantly being built as a result of struggle. We set three
major objectives :
(a) A successful struggle for weekly club meetings, and activization of all
members.
(b) Recruiting 82 members into the party, reaching the goal of 100 recruits.
(c) Section concentration to establish foundry clubs as model clubs of section.
LAUNCHING THE PLAN
Discussions to be held in section committee. Discussion to be held at section
councils. Discussion to be held at all club meetings.
CHECKUP AND CONTROL
Section committee responsible for plan of work. Personal responsibility as-
signed to various sections of the plan. Special conference listed in calendar of
events to check on plan and map out next steps.
CALENDAR OF EVENTS
July 4. — Worker picnic.
July 16. — Section forum on UAW convention with George Morris.
July 29. — Special edition of the Worker on discrimination. (Date of other
special edition to be set.)
August 15-30. — Section school.
August 28. — Section forum on Foster's "Twilight of American Capitalism."
September 5. — Section midway checkup conference.
September 12. — Bill McKie banquet.
October 7. — Section forum.
Date of women's meeting to be set by club.
Mr. Appell. Do you know what year the July 15 to November ll
is referring?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. I believe it is the year of 1949.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Schemanske, do you know when this publication of
the Communist Party was prepared and distributed ?
Mr. Schemanske. To the best of my knowledge it was in the latter
part of 1949.
Mr. Appell, Did you hold membership in any union?
Mr. Schemanske. No.
Mr. Appell. Were your activities within the Communist Party
directed toward Ford concentration ?
Mr. Schemanske. Yes. On numerous occasions we were invited
to participc^te in meetings and discussions of the Ford section, also to
assist them in various activities, such as distribution of Communist
literature at Ford, sale of Communist press, et cetera.
Mr. Appell. Are you acquainted with the Progressive caucus at
Ford?
Mr. Schemanske. Yes.
Mr. Appell. Do you know the part played by the Communist Party
within the Progressive caucus ?
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5125
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. Yes. The Progressive caucus within Ford Local
600 was used as the medium or front by the Ford section of the Com-
munist Party to extend their program of activity within the Ford
Rouge plant and Ford Local 600.
Mr. Appeix. Do you know the part played by the Communist Party
within the Progressive caucus ?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. In this respect I would like to refer to the party's
own publications which are reflected in the exhibit I have just sub-
mitted, relative to the role of the Communists in the Progi*essive
coalition, which states :
Individual Communists are expected to show the greatest personal responsi-
bility in helping to build and strengthen the Progressive coalition on a localwide
scale as well as in the buildings. The coalition must develop beyond a temporary
electoral combination into a permanent and stable organization, functioning on
an all-year-round basis, reacting to issues, putting out material, holding meetings,
organizing activity on the issues facing the Ford workers. At the present time,
for instance, the coalition must emerge with a resolute campaign to end the
speedup and to end the secret negotiations which can only lead to a sellout
similar to the strike arbitration. The coalition must come forward as the
cliampions of the needs of the Ford workers along the lines of the program we
advanced for contract negotiations during the local elections. Individual Com-
munists must ever seek in a patient and friendly way to raise the level of under-
standing of the Progressives, seeking to involve them programmatically and
individually in higher forms of struggle against the North Atlantic Pact, against
the illegalization of the Commuist Party, and the dismissal of the indictments
against the Communist Party leaders, friendship and trade with the Soviet
Union and the European democracies, struggle for Negro rights, et cetera.
Mr. Clardy. Right in line with what we have been discussing and
looking at exhibit 2, that has been received in the record, I find a
statement here I want to read to you and ask you a question on it. It
says —
It is necessary to restate once again why Ford is the major concentration of
Wayne County. Local 600 is the largest industrial unit in the world. The entire
labor movement watches Local 600 as a barometer indicating trends in the course
and policies of American labor. Local 600 has been and still remains the biggest
bulwark against the domination of the labor union by the Socialist democratic
leadership and policies of the UAW.
Then it has considerably more. I wonder, however, if you will not
agree with me that what I have read to you, plus the other things that
we know, doesn't indicate that the Communist Party is not interested
in the labor movement or the welfare of the individual laborer as such.
They are merely voicing a party line. They are merely seeking to use
the labor union movement as a means to gain their own ends ; that is,
to establish the dictatorship of the elite within the Communist Party.
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. Correct.
Mr. Clardy. To put it another way, while they represent to the
individual members of labor unions that they are fighting for the in-
terests of those individuals, really they are doing no such thing at all.
They are merely using that means to take over.
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. To extend the program and policies of the Com-
munist Party.
Mr. Clardy. You agree with us then on that.
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. Yes, I do.
Mr. Appell. In meetings of the Ford section of the Michigan Com-
munist Party, was the selection of candidates for office of Ford Local
600 discussed ?
5126 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN j
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. Yes. Judging overall activities within the Ford
section of the Communist Party, this appeared to be their main con-
centration, that is worming their members and supporters into as many-
important union positions as possible, with the objective of gaining
control of Ford Local 600.
Mr. Appell. Is the Progressive Caucus of Ford Local GOO a Com-
munist caucus ?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. No. It ucver has been. But, I am sorry to say,
it has been strongly influenced, and continues to be strongly influenced
by Communist members from within. This is an open recognized
fact within Ford Local 600.
Mr. Appell. After your appearance as a witness for tlie Govern-
ment, this committee observed that the Communist press referred to
you as a labor spy. Did you ever receive any information regarding
labor?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. No. Only Communist activity within labor.
Mr. Appell. What interest did you, a nonunion member, have in
these affairs?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. I had no interest. As I mentioned previously,
my interest centered on Communist activity within the labor move-
ment, especially in Ford. I would also like to add that there were
other Communist members who had no interest, and in no way were
associated with Ford Local 600, but who were requested by the Com-
munist Party and the Ford section to sit and discuss what was best for
the workers. In other words, the Communist Party was setting itself
up to decide what was best for the workers of Ford Local 600. The
Communist Party has set itself up as the vanguard of the working
class, but actually they have proven themselves to be the misleaders
of the labor movement and of the working class.
Mr. Appell. As an undercover agent, did you ever make a report
on the happenings within a trade union which was not in any way
associated with or discussed within the Communist Party?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. Never at any time were my activities directed
at labor espionage in any way, shape or form, but centered entirely
around Communist activity and infiltration within the labor move-
ment. As a matter of fact, if I was interested in the activities of the
union, I could have obtained a job which was under union jurisdiction
in the Ford Rouge plant. My past and present knowledge of union
activities within Ford Local 600 is equivalent to that of 100,000 other
persons who read the Ford Facts, the weekly Ford Local 600 publi-
cation.
Mr. Appell. During your period of operation, who were the leaders
of the Ford section of the Communist Party ?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. For a number of years the Ford section of the
Communist Party had two full-time Communist organizers, namely
James Jackson and Phil Schatz. These organizers received their in-
structions or directives from the State committee or State board of the
Communist Party, wlio in turn carried out instructions received from
the national party office, in accordance with the line and program of
the Communist Party.
Mr. Appell. Was James Jackson a member of Ford Local 600 ?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. No.
Mr. Appell. Was Phil Schatz a member of Ford Local 600 ?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. No.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5127
Mr. Appell. Are you acquainted with the Communist Party send-
ing colonizers into Michigan ?
Mr. ScHMANSKE. Yes. This was done in line with the party pro-
gram of industrial concentration.
Mr. Appell. Can you recall the identity of any of these colonizers?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. Presently, I recall such known Communists as
Bernie Bellinson, Martin Wellin, Al Fishman, and Al Milstein.
Mr. Appell. Can you briefly describe the breakdown of the Mich-
igan Communist Party based on security ?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. Security measures within the Michigan Commu-
nist Party were adopted during the middle of 1948. During this pe-
riod, reorganization of the Michigan Communist Party based on
security was the subject of a general discussion. During this period,
Phil Schatz was meeting with the executive boards of all Communist
Party clubs, requesting that they survey their membership and reor-
ganize into small groups of not more than 6 or 8 members. He fur-
ther stated that this proposed group system was considered a more
effective and secretive method of operation. Moreover, he stated that
this reorganization plan was not considered new, but had been used in
the past when outside pressure was placed on the party.
This group system, according to Schatz, would require additional
training of new cadres to assume leadership within the gi'oups. Dur-
ing this reorganization, Schatz instructed Communist executive board
members to destroy membership lists and records. He said group
leaders should memorize names and addresses of members and keep
records by a code number of first names. Mailing of meeting notices,
meetings in known halls, issuance of party membership books, et cetera,
were to be eliminated, according to Schatz. In the middle of 1950, the
Ford section headquarters, located at 5642 Michigan Avenue, Detroit,
was abandoned and its equipment, consisting of mimeograph ma-
chines, typewriters, and revolutionary literature, was stored in the
homes and garages of trusted Communist members. In 1951, some
of the top leadership of the Communist Party, namely Phil Schatz,
Saul Wellman, Tom Dennis, and Oscar Rhodes, went into hiding, us-
ing underground tactics in carrying out Communist activities.
In the spring of 1961, the Michigan Communist Party was in the
process of another reorganizational change which had been under
discussion and supervision of the Michigan Communist Party State
board, in accordance with decisions made by the national Communist
Party office. The main purpose of this reorganization was based on
security. In this respect the plan of action adopted by the Commu-
nist Party was based on a regional setup which consisted of 6 or 7
regions in Detroit, and probably 1 or 2 outstate regions. Each re-
gion was to consist of a regional director who would work with an
appointed committee within his respective region. The regional di-
rectors would be responsible to the State board. In the event that
the Communist Party is outlawed and the district leadership arrested,
the objective was to have these regions operate autonomously. If the
leadership of a region was exposed, then it would be up to the party
sections within this region to operate independently. If the sections
were broken up, the party clubs, which were split into small groups
ranging from 3 to 5 persons, would be forced to operate on their own,
which might eventually lead to only 2 Communists meeting on a
5128 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
.street corner or other public place for a short discussion on carrying
out Communist Party directives.
It was further pointed out that in cariying out this reorganization,
the Michigan Communist Party was faced with a shortage of capable
and trusted leadership and would be forced to either import seasoned
Communists, as in the case of Ford concentration, or train new cadres
in the event the top district or regional leaders were picked up.
Mr. Clardy. Now, Mr. Schemanske, in order to sum up and bring
everything into proper focus in as short a space as we can, I wonder
if you will give us a summary of the things that have come to your
knowledge during the sum of the 17 years that you have been in-
terested in this. Sum it up and give us a word picture of the extent
of the Communist influence in the local and detail for us once more,
without interruption, just how the Communists have operated, and
how well they have succeeded.
Mr. Schemanske. With regard to my knowledge of Communist
infiltration into Ford Local 600, it should be pointed out that this
knowledge is based upon many years of close contact with members
of the Communist Party who were active within local GOO and not
upon any direct contact with or interest in activities of local 600 as
such.
This knowledge has been acquired under instructions from the pres-
ent management of Ford Motor Co. to keep fully advised of the Com-
munist Party activity in their attempts to infiltrate the company or-
ganization. Present company management has continually recog-
nized this task as a grave responsibility and duty because, (1) it
would enable the company to advise duly constituted law-enforce-
ment agencies of the activities of the Communist Party in their efforts
to infiltrate industry, and (2) it enabled the company itself to identify
individual Communists and learn their location within our plants,
on the basis that such individuals are regarded as traitors to our
country. My instructions have always been to actively investigate
and secure information on the activities of the Communist Party, but
not to engage in securing information on labor activity as such.
It has been a matter of common knowledge for many years and
the stated policy of the Communist Party that Ford Local 600, the
largest industrial unit in the world, is the key concentration point
of the Communist Party with regard to industry.
For this reason, it was deemed advisable that Communists within
the Rouge plant be identified and that Ford Motor Co. management
be kept advised of their activities and their overall program. It
was for this reason that I became affiliated with the Communist Party
as I did.
Coincidentally with my submission of information to my superiors
regarding Communist activities within Ford Motor, every bit of
information obtained by me was made available to the local office
of the FBI.
Communist and front influence within Ford Local 600 was not
attained overnight, but can be attributed to a well-organized plan.
Over a ]>eriod of years the Communist Party was responsible for
the distribution at the Ford Ilouge plant of hundreds of thousands
of propaganda leaflets, the assignment of full-time paid Communist
organizers, and Communist penetration into key union positions in
Ford Local 600, Although the status of the Communists within
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5129
local 600 has fluctuated over the past several years, they have con-
stantly exerted an influence upon the union entirely out of proportion
to tlieir number. Through constant organized activity and political
maneuvering, they were able to achieve their objectives to the point
ivliere in 1950 and 1951 local 600 was strongly influenced and con-
tiolled by the Communist Party.
During the period of the party's operation within Ford Local 600
their position varied, and the Soviet foreign policy today, as in the
past, remains the barometer of their activities. As an example,
World War II was propagandized as an imperialist war until the
Soviet Union was attacked. It immediately became a just war,
and United States Communists were the strongest defenders of the
no-strike pledge. In this respect, they even went further and wrapped
themselves in the cloak of patriotism, deviating from their basic
principles of Marxism and Leninism, and in May of 1944 dissolved
the United States Communist Party and formed the United States
Communist Political Association in line with Browder's theory of
revisionism, of peaceful coexistence, and cooperation wtih the capi-
talist class. This era witnessed the party's growth on a broad level.
Communist Party shop clubs were clissolvecl in favor of large com-
munity clubs, ancl the objective was to recruit and function on a large
united front scale.
This change in Communist Party policy resulted in mass party
recruiting, and a large increase of Communist members in the Ford
Rouge plant. However, as Moscow goes, so do the United States
Communists, who, in line with Russia's postwar policy of aggres-
sion, again unveiled its true face at the July 26-28, 1945, convention
when I3rowder's so-called policy of revisionism was denounced and
the United States Communist Party was reconstituted, based on the
true principles of Marxism and Leninism, under the leadership of
William Z. Foster.
With the expulsion of Earl Browder, the Unjted States Communist
Party swung from its wartime policy of cooperation to open oppo-
sition. The fight against capitalism and the establishment of a dic-
tatorship of the proletariat and communism was renewed.
The switch in party line resulted in a more disciplined organiza-
tion and a gradual withdrawal of the majority of those members re-
cruited during the Communist Political Association period, who in
the main were not regarded as true Marxists. Communist shop clubs
were again reorganized with the transfer of party shop members
from the former CPA community clubs into Communist shop
branches. During this period the Commun,ist Party within Ford was
weak, lacked qualified leadership, and was confronted with a right-
wing Local 600, UAW, administration. As a result, another drop
of approximately 75 members was experienced and Communist activi-
ties in the Ford Rouge plant were practically at a standstill.
Durjng the latter part of 1948, the Michigan Communist Party re-
organized its Ford organization and placed into leadership two lead-
ing full-time functionaries, Phil Schatz and James Jackson, who,
with the support of the entire party, national and local, focused their
sights on Ford as the key industrial concentration center. React^i-
yizing Communist clubs in Ford; calling of special meetings; form-
ing a Ford section committee consisting of leading representatives
from each Communist Party club in Ford, and personal contact and
5130 COIVEMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
discussion with every known party Ford employee resulted in a i
gradual upsurge of party activities within Ford.
From 1949 to 1951, Communist clubs were represented in prac-
tically every building unit within the Ford Rouge plant. The party
forces at that time not only claimed control or influence of the Ford
Local 600 executive board, which with the exception of the general
membership is the highest governing body in Ford Local 600, but
had made substantial gains in key building units by worming their
way into responsible union pos,itions.
As pointed out. Communist recognition of control in Ford Local
600 was not spontaneous and was realized following an intensified
campaign from the latter part of 1948 through March 1951, Ford Local
600 elections, during which time hundreds of thousands of leaflets
were poured into the Ford Rouge plant in support of the party pro-
gram on various issues. The Ford Communist Party section head-
quarters, then located at 5642 Michigan Avenue, Detroit, was a bee-
hive of activity, with the party providing an $800 electric mimeo-
graph to extend their Ford propaganda barrage, toward furthering
the party program on every conceivable issue and promoting their can-
didates for union offices.
This activity continued to further strengthen the party position
in Ford. However, their main weakness was party membership re-
cruiting. In spite of the various party campaigns in Ford, the Ford
party section was unable to increase its membership. As a result, the
national Communist Party office, in line with the national Ford con-
centration, sent in Communist youth "colonizers" to gain employment
in the Ford Rouge plant and concentrate on membership recruiting
and strengthening the party position in Ford.
Communist influence in Ford local 600 reached its peak following
the March 1951 Ford local 600 elections. This was substantiated in
an article appearing in the April 8, 1951, edition of the Michigan
Communist Party weekly publication, the Michigan Worker, in
which Phil Schatz, Ford Communist Party organizer, analyzed the
March 1951 local 600 elections. Schatz pointed out that the Ford
progressives — not mentioning Communists active in control of the
progressive caucus — won the presidencies and executive boards of 7
buildings with a working force of 28,500, whereas the opposition or
right-wing supporters elected presidents in 8 buildings representing
some 22,000 employees.
The 1952 House Un-American Activities Committee expose of
Communist activity in Ford local 600 can be credited with greatly
weakening the Communists and their front apparatus in the Ford
Rouge plant. This was evidenced by the setting up of an administra-
torship over the local, which resulted in removal from office of 5
leading local 600 alleged Communists, Paul Boatin, Ed Lock, John
Gallo, Nelson Davis, and Dave Moore. The recent Smith Act con-
viction of 6 leading Communists, 4 of whom were assigned to indus-
trial concentration — Saul "Wellman, Nat Ganle3^ William Allan, and
Phil Schatz — resulted in further suppression of the party activities.
This combination of events seriously weakened the Communist
Party to the extent that they were forced to reorganize for security
reasons, as reflected in the following course of action taken b}^ the
party : i
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE SIATE OF MICHIGAN 5131
Prior to 1951, Communist activity in the Ford Rouge plant was
directed through the Ford or Dearborn section of the Michigan Com-
munist Party, which consisted of 10 Communist chibs in the Ford
Rouge phint, namely, the pressed steel, foundry, rolling mill, mainte-
nance, plastic, Dearborn assembly, miscellaneous, tool and die, and
2 clubs in the motor building. Attached or affiliated with this sec-
tion was a club referred to as the ABC club and also known as
"Women." This club consisted of women Communist members active
in the Ford local 600 auxiliary and also a group of women employed
in the offices of Ford local 600. They did not participate in direct
activities of this section, but assisted indirectly.
In line with the party reorganization on a security basis. Commu-
nist clubs in the Ford Rouge plant were broken down into small groups
consisting of not more than five members in each group. As an
example, a Communist club which originally had 25 members was
broken down into 5 or 6 groups, membership not exceeding more than
5 persons to each group. These clubs, which previously had com-
prised a party club, were now referred to as a party section. Thus,
the party's transition link now extends from the national office to the
district, from the district to the region, from the region to the section,
and finally the party club.
Open party activity in Ford and Communist club meetings have
been practically dormant during the past year. The Communists at
present are striving desperately to maintain their present member-
ship and status, without jeopardizing or exposing their position within
the Ford Rouge plant or Ford local 600 through any open or direct
participation. Their operations consist mainly of extending their
program through nonparty persons whom they may influence and who
hold responsible positions within the local.
Communist meetings in Ford now consist mainly of personal con-
tacts made by the Communist organizers assigned to Ford concen-
tration. They meet w^ith key Communist Ford employees, during
which time party directives are issued and assistance rendered in ex-
tending the role and progi-am of the party. The next big project fac-
ing the party apparatus at Ford will be to reactivate its clubs and
membership with the objective of establishing regular and well-
organized Communist club meeting.
Today, Communists in industry are at a premium to the extent that
they are now exempt from direct participation at any open party
activty. Even the active core of Communists in industry are now
hiding behind the cloak of the union and openly disclaim any Com-
munist Party membership affiliation although they continue to set
the pace in overall party front activity. Their present method of
operation is mainly through progressive caucuses within union locals
and, as witnessed today to a small extent in party organization. Al-
though the present Communist dues-paying membership in Michigan
industry is small in number, their strength cannot be underestimated
as they influence a recognized following of sympathizers, many of
whom now hold important positions within unions, attributed largely
to Communist guidance and support.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Chairman, I have no further questions of Mr.
Schemanske.
Mr. Clardt. I have just 1 or 2. After having listened to the testi-
mony that was given 2 years ago, and then, of course, having listened
5132 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
to you and the other witnesses we have thus far had, and having a
great deal of knowledge of what is to follow in the public hearings-
next week, I want to ask you this : Do you agree with the statement
that was made recently by Mr. J. Edgar Hoover that I think pretty
well summed up the purpose that you had in mind and what you are
saying — and let me read what Mr. Hoover said. He put it, to quote
one sentence first :
The Communists regard labor unions as instruments to be controlled aii<J
used to develop the Communist revolution.
Now, that seems to me to be a very strongly justified statement. Do
you not agree that that is obviously the fact and the truth?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. I do agree with that statement.
Mr. Ci^VRDY. Then he said something else that I think has been
apparent to this committee, certainly to me, for quite awhile. Again )
I quote:
They designated particularly the automobile industry as being the primes
target because it is well known that it is one of the most vital industries iu
our national defense production.
Do you not agree that that is the fact as he has stated it, that it is
one of the prime targets and objectives because, as we know, to use
a well-known phrase, Detroit and Michigan is the arsenal of demo-
cracy, and any crippling strike or any crippling action that is taken
in the event of a war with Russia would do more to cripple our defense
than almost anything else that could be done. Don't you agree with-
that?
Mr. ScHEMANSKE. I agree with that. I would say that the thou-
sands of Communist Party publications exemplifies that particular
statement ?
Mr. Clardy. I quite agree with you, witness, and I want, on behalf
of the committee, to thank you for the splendid cooperation. I like
the way in which you have summed things up and brought to focus a
lot of things that we have been talking about and thinking about for
a long time. I think you have rendered a splendid service to your
Government.
The committee will not stand in recess until further call and the
witness is excused.
(Whereupon the hearing was recessed.)
AFTERNOON SESSION
(At the hour of 4: 45 p. m. of the same day, the proceedings were
resumed. Representative Kit Clardy being present.)
Mr. Clardy. Let the record show that the hearing is now resumed
at 4: 45 p. m.
Mr. Jones, you have a witness, I observe. Are you ready to begin ?
Mr. Jones. Mr. Chairman, we have Mr. Stepanchenko.
Mr. Clardy. Will you stand and be sworn, sir. Will you raise
your right hand? Do you solemnly swear that the testimony you
are about to give will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but
the truth, so help you God ?
Mr. SnorANC'HENKO. I do.
Mr. Clardy. You may be seated. You may proceed, Mr. Jones.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5133
TESTIMONY OF FRANK STEPANCHENKO
Mr. Jones. Will you state your full name and present address ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Frank Stepanchenko. My address is 660S
Kercheval, Detroit.
Mr. Jones. Mr. Stepanchenko, I see that you are not accompanied
bv counsel.
Mr. Stepanchenko. No ; I am not.
Mr. Jones. You have been advised of your right of counsel if you
so desire?
I\Ir. Stepanchenko. Yes.
Mr. Clardy. You prefer to go alone, I take it.
Mr. Stepanchenko. Yes ; I would.
Mr. Jones. You were served with a subpena on the 15th day of
December 1953 by a deputy United States marshal to appear at this
time?
Mr. Stepanchenko. I bf;lieve that is right.
Mr. Jones. The original appearance date was scheduled for Janu-
ary 25, 1954, and was postponed in subsequent telegrams from the
chairman until May 7, 1954. Your appearance at this time is volun-
tary, is it not?
Mr. Stepanchenko. That is right.
Mr. Jones. When and whei-e were you born ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. July 24, 1916, Chicago, 111.
]Mr. Jones. Will you give the committee a brief resume of your
educational background?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Well, I went through high school, grade school
on through high school, graduated.
Mr. Clardy. Here in Detroit?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Yes. I have spent practically all my life here
in Detroit.
Mr. Jones. How are you currently employed ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. I am employed at Ford Motor Co.
Mr. Jones. In what capacity ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Well, my classification of work is a die setter.
I am serving as a union committeeman.
Mr. Jones. Are you now or have you ever been a member of the
Communist Party ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. I was, but I am not now.
Mr. Jones. When did you first join the Communist Party?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Oh, some time in 1941, after the union was
organized at Ford's.
Mr. Jones. That would put it in the late summer of 1941 ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Yes.
Mr. Jones. At this time did you join the Communist Party or the
Young Communist League?
Mr. Stepanchenko. It was the Young Communist League.
Mr. Jones. Who recruited you, do you recall ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Lee Romano.^
Mr. Jones. How did Mr. Romano approach you to join the party?
What were the discussions you had with him concerning the Commu-
nist Party ?
^Testified fully during hearings in 1952. See CommuDism in the Detroit Area — Part 2
(1952), p. 3035.
5134 COMlklUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
Mr. Stepanchenko. Well, at the time I was just newly elected to
committee work, and he was the recording secretary of the building.
He was one of the building officers. He approached me on a number of
occasions and talked to me about — he didn't come right out at first,
but it finally led up to it, started by explaining to me I should join up
with a group of boys for future elections and what not, and if I was on
the right side of the fence it would be that much better, organize a
strong group, and you would have a better union out at Ford's.
Mr. Claedy. Did his solicitation then gradually change to the party
line and eventually he revealed what he had in mind ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Yes.
Mr. Jones. Upon joining the Young Communist League to what
group or branch were you assigned?
Mr. Stepanchenko. The best I can recollect, they called it the
Hudson branch.
Mr. Jones. Do you remember where these meetings were held, the
meetings of this Hudson branch of the Young Communist League ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Well, at that time practically all of them were
held at this hall on Magnolia Street. I believe they called it Magnolia
Hall.
Mr. Jones. Approximately how often were they held?
Mr. Stepanchenko. For a while they were quite frequent — every
Sunday for a while. Then they began to decline and cut to, oh, maybe
every month or two.
Mr. Jones. What were the subjects discussed at these meetings; do
you remember?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Well, there were different things discussed —
well, such as bringing in other people and shop problems, also the
discussions on problems throughout the world.
Mr. Jones. How long did you remain a member of the Young Com-
munist League ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. That is one point I am not positive about, but
it was until I attained the proper age, and then automatically you
went into the party.
Mr. Jones. Do you remember approximately how long this was ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. I think I was 27 — 27, 1 think, is the age.
Mr. Clardy. You were no longer considered a young Communist
then ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Then you went into the older group.
Mr. Clardy. Approximately what year was this ; do you remember?
Mr. Stepanchenko. I would say around 1944, 1943, or 1944 ; some-
time in there.
Mr. Jones. During your membership in the Young Communist
League who were some of the other individuals whom 3'ou met with
in this Hudson group, these Sunday discussions ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Well, there was myself and — why I take a lit-
tle time to think is because I don't want to get the two groups mixed
here — David Averill,^ for one, and John Saari. There were others
there, but I don't know them by name. They were in other units.
They were not members of my unit.
Mr. Jones. How was your membership transferred from the Young
Communist League to the Communist Party proper ?
1 Testified fully during hearings in 1952. See Communism in the Detroit Area — Part 2,
(1952), p. 3157.
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5135
Mr. STj:rANCiiENKo. "Well, I was just told that I had become of
a«ze to move into the other group ; that was all.
Mr. Jones. By whom were you so informed ?
Mr. Stepanchexko. I think it was more than just — Lee Romano
and Roy Wilson.
Mr. Jones. Who issued you your first card in the Communist Party ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. I am tryino- to think back who was the secre-
tary of that bunch. I think it was Dave Averill.
Mr. Jones. Where was the card issued to you, in a meeting, or •
Mr. Stepanchenko. Xo, I think I got it right in the shop; it was
just handed to me.
Mr. Jones. Do you remember what was the official title or designa-
tion of this group that you were assigned to upon joining the Com-
munist Party ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Well, they were called the Hudson Branch,
and then later they became the Ford Branch and the pressed steel unit.
Mr. Jones. How often did this group hold meetings i
Mr. Stepanchenko. Well, whenever it was necessary, such as maybe
once a month, and sometimes once in every 3 or 4 months. It all
depended on elections coming u)) or any vital problems — well, elec-
tions mainly, and then they would be called together to pick slates
and what not.
Mr. Jones. By whom were these meetings called ?
Mr. STEPANcrn:NK0. At that time, Lee Romano.
Mr. Jones. What was his official position with this unit of the Com-
munist Party?
Mr. Stepanchenko. He was the top man in the pressed steel build-
ing for it.
Mr. Jones. Who were some of the other individuals with whom
you meet as members of this unit of the Communist Party ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. You mean during the period I was in it?
Mr. Jones. Yes.
Mr. Stepanchenko. I will refer to my little list, I can't remember
all of them.
Mr. Jones. This list you are referring to, is that a list compiled by
you from your own knowledge and memory ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Ye.s. You know Lee Romano. Archie Ac-
cacia, Dave Averill, Dewey McGee, Alex Washington. Art McPhaul,
Max Chait, Roy Narancich, Douglas Lee, J. B. Jones, Irene Youn^,
Sam Scherizen, Charles Morgan, Roy Wilson, Robert Williams, Simon
Moskalik, Emmett Forsythe, John Saari.
Mr. Jones. You mentioned Irene Young. Do you know her present
name ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. She had another name, but Irene Young was
the name she went by. She had a long name.
Mr. Jones. Would it be Marinovich?
Mr. Stepanchenko. That is it, that is the one.
Mr. Jones. All of the above individuals you attended a closed party
meeting with at one time or the other, did you not ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Yes.
Mr. Jones. Referring again to your list of individuals with whom
you attended close party meetings, I will review the list, and after I
identify each again, will you please state whether or not you have
any present knowledge as to their Communist Party affiliation ?
5136 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
Mr. Stepanchenko. All right.
Mr. Jones. J. B. Jones.
Mr. Stepanchenko. I had knowledge at the time that he dropped
out, too, just about the time I did.
Mr. Jones. About what time was this?
Mr. Stepanchenko. 1946, 1945, right in there. It is pretty close
to that date.
Mr. Jones. Lee Romano ? '
Mr. Stepanchenko. Lee Romano, he went out about 1945, 1 would
say.
Mr. Jones. Mr. Chairman, I think the record should disclose that
Lee Romano testified in public session before the committee on March
11, 1952, in Detroit, Mich.
Mr. Jones. Dave Averill ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Just about the time I went out. I would say
about 1945. That was the big year for
Mr. Jones. Mr. Chairman, I think the record should disclose that
Mr. Averill also testified before the Committee on Un-American Activ-
ities in public session on March 12, 1952, in Detroit, Mich., testified
completely about his activities while a member of the Communist
Party.
Archie Accacia?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Archie dropped out about the time I did. We
were all just about the same time. I would say about 1946.
Mr. Jones. Do you know how Mr. Accacia is currently employed?
Mr. Stepanchenko. How he is currently employed? Yes, he is
working as an international representative for the national Ford de-
partment of the UAW.
Mr. Jones. Dewey McGee?
Mr. Stepanchenko. As far as I know he is out of it. I couldn't
tell you just exactly when, but approximately the same time as the
others I mentioned.
Mr. Jones. By "out of it" you mean to your knowledge he is not
now a member?
Mr. Stepanchenko. As far as I know, I don't think he is at the
present time.
Mr. Jones. Alex Washington?
Mr. Stepanchenko. He disaffiliated also as far as I know.
Mr. Jones. Do you know appi'oximately when?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Well, about the same time, 1946, around that
time.
Mv. Jones. Do you know how he is currently employed?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Alex Washington?
Mr. Jones. Yes.
Mr. Stepanchenko. Yes, he is working as a salaried employee for
Ford Motor Co.
Mr. Jones. John Saari?
Mr. Stepanchenko. I don't know about him because he left our
building years ago, and I just don't know where he stands.
Mr. Jones. Is he often referred to as Whitey Saari?
Mr, Stepanchenko. Yes.
Mr. Jones. Emmett Forsythc?
Mr. Stepanchenko. WeH, I know he dropped out, too, at the time
and he is worldng on Mr. Carl Stellato's staff, local 600.
COMAIUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5137
Mr. Jones, Max Chait.
Mr. Stepanciienko. I heard he was discharged some years ago, and
I dont' know where he stands.
Mr. Jones. Discharged from the Communist Party?
Mr. Stepanciienko. No, the company.
Mr. Jones. Do you have any knowledge as to his present association
or affiliation with the Communist Party?
Mr. Stepanciienko. No, I haven't seen him in years.
Mr. Jones. Roy Narancich ?
Mr. Stepanciienko. Well, I don't know. He might still be a
member.
Mr. Jones. You have no present knowledge?
Mr. Stepanciienko. No, I don't. He is working there in the shop.
]\Ir. Jones. Douglas Lee?
Mr. Stepanciienko. Douglas Lee is working in the shop. He might
be yet because he is still selling papers every once in a while.
Mr. Jones. By papers, you mean the Daily Worker?
Mr. Stepanciienko. Yes.
Mr. Jones. Irene Young Marinovich?
Mr. Stepanchenko. I couldn't tell you about her because she has
been out of there for years. I don't know where she is or what hap-
pened to her.
Mr. Jones. Sam Scherizen?
Mr. Stepanciienko. As far as I know, he dropped out at that time
or maybe prior to the time the rest of the fellows did. He is employed
in the shop.
Mr. Jones. At Ford Motor Co.?
Mr. Stepanciienko. Yes.
Mr. Jones. Charles Morgan?
Mr. Stepanciienko. As far as I know he is out of it or was at the
time, and he is also working in the shop.
Mr. Jones. Bob Williams?
Mr. Stepanciienko. As far as I know, he also was one of the fellows
'who dropped out about that time, and he is working in the shop.
Mr. Jones. Simon Moskalik?
Mr. Stepanciienko. I don't Imow what happened to him. "W^e
haven't seen him around for years. He was quite an elderly man.
Either lie was sick and left — I don't know just what happened to him.
Mr. Jones. Art McPhaul?
Mr. Stepanciienko. He Avas discharged from the company a few
years back. I haven't seen him since.
Mr. Jones. During your attendance at the Communist Party meet-
ings of the Pressed Steel Branch of the Ford section of the Conununist
Party did you participate in any caucuses or other meetings designed
to put slates of officers in for local election?
Mr. Stepanciienko. Yes ; I have.
Mr. Jones. Were these what you would call closed meetings of the
Communist Party, or were others in attendance, other membei-s other
than Communist Party members ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. It usually started out closed, and then they
would spread out to an open caucus and then finally to the big mass
caucus.
Mr. Clardy. The Communist group that met first would lay the
plans on how to control the rest?
5138 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
Mr. Stepanchenko. Yes; that is right.
Mr. Jones. Where did the Pressed Steel Branch hold their meetings ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Well, a number of places. One location was on
Michigan and 30th. That is the approximate location — upstairs, over
a store. Another location was on Sarena. It was just a store. Those
are the two places I can think of right now.
Mr. Jones. Were any meetings ever held at the Civic Center on
Erskine ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Yes; there were a few meetings held there.
Mr. Jones. During your membership in the Pressed Steel Branch of
the Ford section of the Communist Party did any outsiders with
respect to outside members of the Communist Party ever speak to this
group ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. What do you mean by "outside"'?
Mr. Jones. Members of the Communist Party who were not mem-
bers of the pressed steel group but possibly members of other sections ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Yes; Billy Allan, Bill McKie, about the only
two that I recall.
Mr. i^ppELL. Did James Jackson ever ad^h-ess the group ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. I don't know.
Mr. Appell. Phil Schatz?
Mr. Stepanchenko. I don't know him.
Mr. ClaPvDY. Do you know Nat Ganley ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Yes; I have seen him around, but I never
would be present where he had a meeting. I have seen him around
such as maybe at conventions or big union rallies. He would be in
the crowd, would be one of the speakers.
Mr. Clardy. Either of the Winters ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. No; I have heard them, but
Mr. Clardy. But not at those meetings ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. No.
Mr. Appell. The address on Michigan Avenue at which the pressed
steel club of the Communist Party held its meeting, was that 5642
Michigan Avenue, do you recall ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. If that is up around Junction, that would be
it.
Mr. Jones. When did you sever all connections with the Communist
Party ?
jNIr. Stepanchenko. Sometime in 1946.
Mr. Jones. Do you remember; was it toward the early part of the
year, the latter part of the year?
Mr. Stepanchenko. I would say about the middle of the year,
maybe in the spring.
Mr. Jones. How did you sever your connection ? Did you tender a
formal resignation ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. I just didn't attend any meetings and just
didn't have anything more to do with them.
Mr. Jones. Did any individuals ever approach you on any occasion
trying to reactivate your membership in the Connnunist Party?
Ml-. Stepanchenko. Many times.
Mr. Jones. Who were these individuals?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Art McPhaul, Max Chait — those are two I
know of.
Mr. Jones. Do you know a Marty Wellin?
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5139
Mr. Stepanchenko. Yes.
Mr. Jones. What contact did you have with him?
Mr. Stepaxciienko. I was his committeeman in the plant. That
is how I got to know him,
Mr. Jones. Is he a native Detroiter ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. As far as I knew, the rumors I lieard at the
time, tliat he was from Xew York. He was not a Detroiter.
Mr. Jones. Did the rumors also state that he was brought in by
the Communist Party?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Well, yes; something along those lines, that
the party had sent him out here. That was the way the rumor
Mr. Jones. Did you ever attend any closed meetings with him ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. No.
Mr. Appell. Were you still a member of the Communist Party when
Mai-ty Wellin came into the Detroit area ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. No. I know he was one because he happened
to get a job, and he was in my district, and the first thing he did was
looked up his committeeman, and he gave me more hard time than
anybody around, and finally through conversations with him he said
that he understood from others that I used to be a pretty good boy, and
what was the matter with me, and in that way 1 felt pretty well — I
knew then just where he stood.
Mr. Jones. Did you sign a petition in 1946 to place the Communist
Party on the ballot ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. I believe I did.
Mr. Jones. How was your signatiu-e to this petition solicited, do
you remember?
Mr. Stepanchenko. I can't recall who solicited it, but petitions were
quite common, at that time, anyway, around the plant, to get commit-
teemen and officers' signatures on them. There wei-e many petitions
circulated.
Mr. Jones. Did you sign a mass telegram directed to Harold Me-
dina to free Weinstone in 1949 ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. I could have. I might have, but I don't recall
exactly if I did or not. There were so many of those petitions issued
that were signed. I can't just pinpoint every one that I did sign.
Mr. Jones. Mr. Chairman, if he has no knowledge one way or the
other, I think those should be left out entirely.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Stepanchenko, how do you establish the year 1946
as the vear in which you severed your connections with the Communist
Party *
Mr. Stepanchenko. Well, it was after the war — the war ended in
1945, if I am not mistaken — and the policies of it began to steer away
from shop problems and what not and started to lead more into the
Soviet Union, thing along those lines, so some of the boys were begin-
ning to wonder what the heck was going on, and they began to gradu-
ally cut off from it, and then also there was quite a big fight over posi-
tions in the union, and some of the leaders were just using it to promote
themselves, get support.
At that time if you were a meuiber of it, you got pretty solid support.
Tliey went out and did a good job for whoever was running. If they
were supporting you, you had a good chance to get elected.
Mr. Appell. How long would you say you were a member of the
pressed steel unit?
5140 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
Mr. Stepanchenko. Off and on. I don't know how many times
I was reinstated. Maybe I would pay a month's dues and have them off
my back for a few months, and then they get back to you and ask you,
"What's the matter, you are slowing up," and what not, and you would
get back in. It was always a constant push, not only myself, but the
other fellows, too, because I feel this way, that 90 percent of the fel-
lows in it, they were good, honest boys, and they were just being used,
and that is all. A few of them, I imagine, they had other motives, but
I feel in the main most of them Avere good, honest fellows. They had
no ideas that these other people had.
Mr. Appell. How long do you think that you were a member of
pressed steel
Mr. Stepancitenko. 1941 to 1946.
Mr. Appell. But was there a pressed steel unit during the days of
the Communist Political Association?
Mr. Stepanchenko. AVell, they changed names. It was the Com-
munist Party, and then they changed to Communist Political
Association.
Mr. Appell. And then they changed back to the Communist Party.
After they changed back to the Communist Party, how long do you
think you stayed in after that ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Oh, I don't recall just when they made that
change from the Communst Political Association.
Mr. Appell. Do you think you were a member of the Communist
Party at the time you signed a Communist Party nominating petition
in 1946?
Mr. Stepanchenko. That would be hard to say. I imagine I was
if I signed it at that time, and maybe I wasn't. I am not too sure.
I had objections then because I felt, well, the people could still make
their choice of whether they wanted it on the ballot or not.
Mr. Appell. In 1949 when you permitted your name to be used to
a telegram to Judge Medina, what was your feeling in that? I mean,
here Weinstone was on trial for advocating the overthrow of the
United States Government by force and violence
Mr. Stepanchenko. He was the colored fellow.
Mr. Appell (continuing). And had been sentenced. Was your
decision to lend your name politically that it would help politically
within a plan, or were your sympathies for those people, or just
Mr. Stepanchenko. Well, I will tell you just what happened. If
I am not mistaken, Art McPhaul got my name on it, and I felt kind
of funny. If I declined to sign on the basis of, well, I felt that I was
discriminating, use the color line against me, I don't know. That
was my feeling at the time, and the talk around then was that, heck,
they were just picking on this poor guy for nothing, and there was
quite a bit of sympathy rallied around him.
Mr. Appell. Have you continued since your break or any time after
your break within the Progressive caucus? Did you run for office
on the Progressive ticket or
Mr. Stepanchenko. Wait a minute. When did Henry Wallace
run for office ?
Mr. Appell. He ran for office in 1948.
Mr. Stepanchenko. Well, we had what they called a Progressive
caucus for local 600 at that time, and I was a member of it, but it
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5141
certainly didn't have any Communists in it. They were just there
and not on the basis that it was a communistic setup.
Mr. Appell. Don't they still have a Progressive caucus within
Ford?
Mr. Stepanchenko. If they do, I don't know about it.
Mr. Appell. What ticket supports the people who run for office as
a Communist candidate, Nelson Davis, Dave Moore, whose ticket?
Whose ticket do they run for when they run for office in local GOO?
Mr. Stepanciienko. They run on their own ticket, just pick one
up and run it, that is all.
Mr, Appell. You mean there is no such thing as Progressive caucus?
Don't you have two political factions?
Mr. Stepanchenko. If there is one, there isn't one in the pressed
steel building.
JSIr. Appell. Not one in pressed steel ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. No, sir — at least I haven't heard of one for
years, and in my unit I know that there isn't one. That I can vouch
for.
Mr. Appell. Well, now, who opposed Carl Stellato at the last
election ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Gene Prato.
Mr. Appell. Joe Hogan?
Mr. Stepanchenko. That was prior to that.
Mr. Appell. Take the year prior, the year Joe Hogan ran. Wliat
ticket did Joe Hogan run on ?
]\Ir. Stepanchenko. He headed the ticket.
Mr. Appell. Whose ticket was it? Wasn't that the Progressive
caucus ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Well, what remained of it, yes, as far as I
know.
Mr. Appell. You mean it died with that election and the defeat
of Hogan ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Well, in the pressed steel unit it did.
Mr. Appell. I am talking about the overall, local GOO-wise.
Mr. Stepanchenko. I don't get the point you are trying to arrive
at.
Mr. Appell. We have the testimony now and testimony of 1952 of
the Progressive caucus, and of the thing which they called the inner
caucus through which the Communist Party controls the broad Pro-
gressive caucus, nominating candidates who are going to run for
office, and in that manner supporting those candidates.
Mr. Stepanchenko. "^Vliat was the question again ?
Mr. Appell. Did the Progressive caucus die with the defeat of Joe
Hogan ?
Mr. Clardy. You mean the Progressive caucus as it applies to the
entire Ford local.
Mr. Appell. Yes.
Mr. Stepanchenko. Well, I can't honestly sit here and tell you
whether it is alive or dead. There are people that were connected
with it around, but I can say this, that in my unit it is a dead duck.
Mr. Clardy. It may exist in local 600 somewhere, but not in your
branch ?
Mr. Stepanchenko. It doesn't exist openly as far as I Iniow, and
when Joe Hogan was defeated, it wasn't long after that he had a job
5142 COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN
in the local. Stellate appointed him, where he remains in tliere today.
When I said that I wasn't insinuating anything against Joe Hogan,
because as far as I know, the guy has been clean.
Mr. Appell. I wasn't — and this record doesn't intend that. It
was just to show that at the time Carl Stellate was opposed he was
opposed by another candidate who supposedly was the Progressive
caucus candidate.
Mr. Stepanchenko. It was Prato the last term and prior to that
it was Joe Hogan.
Mr. Appell. Do you believe, as a result of your encounter in the
Communist Party that the Communist Party has the interest of the
workers of Ford local 600 at heart ?
Mr, Stepanchenko. Well, at times I used to think they did, and
then at times I just saw different.
Mr. Clardy. Actually were they not merely representing that that
was the fact in order to get people into it, but in reality they were
trying to further the Communist cause with everything they did?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Oh, yes; that is for sure, because back around
1946 that is when they began to show themselves where they were
hitting at, and that is what really busted it up.
Mr. Appell, Walter Dorosh was identified in the 1952 hearings, and
he was a w^itness before the committee, and he was identified as the
press director of the Communist Party within Ford.
Mr. Stepanchenko. The press director of the Communist Party?
Mr. Appell. Yes.
Mr. Stepanchenko. I don't know.
Mr. Appell. I say he was identified as that, and there was sworn
testimony that that is the job he held.
Mr. Stepanchenko. When you say Ford, do you mean the union
or the
Mr. Appell. No ; the Communist Party. But he is chairman on the
press committee of the local right now, isn't he ?
Mr, Stepancih'^nko. He is on the pu])licity committee.
Mr. Appell. Why would a member of the Communist Party and a
leading member of the Communist Party get that type of job?
Mr. Stepanchenko. Well, first, I don't know if he ever was a Com-
munist. I don't know. I have known Walter Dorosh; I have seen
him around, but never at a Communist meeting. If he was, it was
certainly unknown to me, and I guess Carl just played politics with
him and Walter, and Walter Dorosh was quite liked in the tool-and-
die unit, and I guess for that reason he just put liim on his publicity
committee.
Mr. Appell. Mr. Chairman, I have no further questions,
Mr, Jones, I liave nothing further,
Mr, Clardy, May I thank you, sir, and I want to tliank you for a
special reason. As you know, your name was brought into the matter
in the heai'ing lield here a little over '2 years ago. and may I congratu-
late you, sir, on having tlie forthrightness and the courage to come
before us. You are in a very small select group. Most of those choose
to refrain from clearing their mune, even when we give them an oppor-
COMMUNIST ACTIVITIES IN THE STATE OF MICHIGAN 5143
tunity. We offer the people who are named the privilege of coming
before us, as you have voluntarily done. Unfortunately, most of them
refuse to come forward. I think frankly that is because most of them
have not genuinely repented, so I want to thank you on behalf of the
committee very much,
Mr. Sxp^rANCHENKo. I appreciate that.
Mr. Clardy. We will adjourn the proceeding at this time until 10
o'clock tomorrow morning.
(Whereupon, at 5:15 p. m., the hearing was recessed to 10 a. m.,
Friday, April 30, 1954.)
ii INDEX
Fletcher, William 5097-5099,
Forsythe, Emjnett
Foster, William Z 5122,5124,
Gallo, John 50S6, 5100,
Ganley, Nat 5091, 5105, 5112, 5114, 5130.
Gladstone, Evelyn
Goodman, Shirley
Graber, Sidney
Hall, Gus
Halper. Phillip H
Hawkins, Art
Haywood, Harry
Hell. John
Hochbers, George ---
Hosan, Joe 5141.
Hoover, J. Edgar
Hrabar, Mike
Ingram
Jackson. James 5090-5092, 5095, 5104, 5126, 5129.
Jackson, William
Jackson, William, Jr
Jelley, Tom
Johnson, Arnold
Johnson, Herbert
Johnson, William H. (Bill) 5093, 5094.
Jones, J. B 5135.
Kocel, Benjamin F
Kohl, Adeline (Lustgarten)
Krawford, Leroy
Krieger, Arnold
Krugh, Leo
Lacy. John
Lauderdale. Leonard
Lawson, John J. (Jack) 5101,
Lee, Douglas 5135.
Lieberman, Bob
Lindberg. Herb
Little. John
Llewellyn, Dorothy (Mrs. Kenneth Roach)
Llewellyn, Percy
Lock, Ed 1 5099.
Lord, Merle B
Lustgarten, Adeline (Kohl)
Machigan, Oscar
Maraniss, Elliott
Maraniss, Marv Cummins (Mrs. Elliott Maraniss; see also Cummins.
Mary) 5109, 5110.
Mardiros, Reuben 5102,
Marinovich. Irene (see also Young, Irene) 5135.
Martin, Frank J
Mates, David
McDonald, Fay
McGee, Dewey 5135.
McKie. Bill (William) 5086, 5112. 5122-5124.
McPhaul, Art 5135, 5137, 5i:!S;,
Medina, Flarold 5139.
Mif.sud, Joe
Milstein. Al
Mitchell. Vincent
Mitchnick. Janet
Montgomery, Jame.s R
Moore, Audrey
Moore, Dave 5093, 5099. 5130.
Morgan, Charles E 5105, 5135.
Morris. George
Mo.skiilik. Simon 5135.
Xaraiicicli, Roy 5102, 5135,
Page
5112
')135
)129
)130
')138
)105
)106
)105
")118
'>105
")103
")122
Ull
')112
")142
-.132
5101
".123
'.138
'.103
'.104
'.102
>111
'.103
.103
.136
".lOO
5109
".102
'.104
".103
".103
-.100
".111
".137
'.102
'.102
-.112
'.101
-.101
'.130
'il04
-.109
■.102
.110
'.112
".111
".137
-.105
.105
".112
".136
'.138
-.140
5140
102
127
5102
1011
1(K)
5112
141
5137
124
5137
5137
INDEX iii
Page
Nu'hamiu, Elsie (Mrs. Phil Nichamin) 505)8
Nichauiin, Phil 5098
Obriot, Tersil 5100
O'Connor. Marie 5096
•Orsase, Leo 5099
Palmer, Opal 5095, 5096
I Piazza, Verne 5112, 5113
Poulson. Bridget 5087
Prato. Gene 5141, 5142
Purdy, Anabel 5109
Rapoport. Mrs. Shirley Goodman 5106
Raymond, Phil 5105
Raymond, Vera Katz 5106
Reavis, Otis 5103
Renther, Walter 5118, 5120
Rhodes, Osrar 5127
Rizzo, 8am 5101
Roacii. Dorothy (Mrs. Kenneth Roach) 5101
Roach. Kenneth 5101
Robertson, Harold 5103, 5104
Romano. Lee 5100, 5133, 513.5, .5136
Rosen. Harold 5112. 5113
Ross. Jeanette ,5097. 5098
Ross. Martha 5109
Ross, Norman 5087, 5109
RowLson. Robert 5106
Saari. .Tohn (Whitey) 5104, 5134-5136
Santwire. Milton Joseph 508.5-5106 (testimony)
Schatz. Phil 5091. 5092, 5095, 5126, 5127, 5129, 5130, 5138
Schemanske, Stephen J. (see also Semennk, Steve; Simmons, Steve 5107-51.32
(testimony)
Scherizen, Sam 5135, 5137
Schleiclier, Milton .'^lOS
SenieTuik. Steve (alias for Stephen J. Schemanslfe) 5108
Semi(m, Alex 5099, 5102
Shapiro, Harold L 5106
Simmons, .lames 5102
Simmons, Steve (alias for Stephen J. Schemanslie) 5108
Smith. Leonard 5098
Smith, Mabel Lee 5109, 5112
Stellato. Carl 5136. 5141, 5142
Stepanchenko. Frank .5102, 5132-5143 (testimony)
Syverson, Harold 5104
Tate. James A 5102
Toohey. Pat 5112, 5113
Trachtenberg. Max 5105
Van Horn. P^dith 5106
Vartainian. Bagrad 5100
i Wallace. Henry 5140
Walton. Kermit 5099
Washington. Alex 5135, 5136
Washington, Bob 5114
Weinstone, William 5139, ,5140
Weiss, Max 5110
Wellin. Martv (Martin) 5104, 5127, 5138, 5139
Wellman. Saul 5127, 5130
White, Dave 5112
Williams, Al 5102
Williams, Fred 5112
Williams. Robert (Bob) 51,35,51.37
Wilson 5100
Wil.son. Rov 5135
Winter. Carl .5091, 5113-.5115
Wourman, John 5102
Young, Irene {see also Marinovich, Irene) 5135
Zenchuk, Olga 5111
iv INDEX
Organizations
Page
American Youth for Democracy 5086-5088, 5109, 5110, 5112
Briggs Manufacturing Co 5103
Civil Rights Congress 5123
Communist Party. Michigan 5109, 5110, 5112, 5113, 5115, 5125, 5127-5131
Communist Party, Michigan, Ben Davis Club 5089, 5097, 5098
Communist Party, Michigan, Bohn Aluminum Club 5115
Communist Party, Michigan, Briggs Club 5103
Communist Party, Michigan, Chrysler Club 5115
Communist Party, Michigan, Ford section 5090.
5094, 5096, 5099, 5102-5104, 5115, 5126, 5130, 5131, 5135
Communist Party, Michigan, Ford section. Dearborn Assembly Club 5131
Communist Party, Michigan, Ford section. Foundry Club 5104, 5131
Communist Party, Michigan, Ford section. Local 155, UAW Club 5115
Communist Party, INIichigan, Ford section, Maintenance Club 5131
Communist Party, Michigan, Ford section, Miscellaneous Club 5131
Communist Party, IMicliigan, Ford section. Motor Building Club 5104
Communist Party, Michigan, Ford section, Plastic Club— 5099, 5102, 5103. 5i:Jl
Communist Party, Michigan, Ford section. Pressed Steel Club 5131, 5137, 5138
Communist Party, Michigan, Ford section. Rolling Mill Club 5131
Communist Party, Michigan, Ford section. Rouge Plant ABC Club (also
known as Women) 5131
Communist Party, Michigan, Ford section. Tool and Die Club 5104, 5131
Communist I*arty, Michigan, General Motors Club oll.l
Communist Party, Michigan, Hudson branch 5135
Communist Party, IMichigan, Leatherworkers Club 5115
Communist Party, Michigan, Michigan Avenue Club (see also Communist
Party, Michigan, section 8, Michigan Avenue branch) 5110
Communist Party, Michigan, Packinghouse Club 5115
Communist Party, Michigan, Plymoutii Club 5115
Communist Party, Michigan, section 3, Cadillac branch 5111
Communist Party, Michigan, Section 3, Local 157, United Auto Workers
Club 5111
Communist Party, Michigan, section 3, steel branch (see also Communist
Party, Michigan, Steel Club) 5111
Communist Party, Michigan, section 3, Ternstedt branch 5111
Communist Party, Michigan, section 8, Dearl)orn branch 5111, 5122
Communist Party, Michigan, section 8, D3l-Ray branch 5111
Communist Party, Michigan, section 8, Lithuanian branch 5111
Communist Party, Michigan, section 8, Michigan Avenue branch {see ttlso
Communist Party, Michigan, Michigan Avenue Club) 5111,5114,5116
Communist Party, Michigan, section 8, Warren Avenue branch 5111
Communist Party, Michigan, section 10 (Ford), Highland Park branch 5111
Communist Party, Michigan, section 10 (Ford), Lincoln branch 5111
Communist Party, Michigan, section 10 (Ford) Rouge branch 5111
Communist Party, Michigan, section 10 (Ford), Willovp Run branch 5111
Communist Party, Michigan, Steel Club (see also Communist Party, Michi-
gan, section 3, steel branch) 5115
Communist Party, Michigan, Timken Axle Club 5115
Communist Party, Michigan, West Side section 5110
Communist Pai'ty, Ohio 5111
Communist Political Association 5086,
5088, 5089, 5110, 5111, 5113-5115, 5129, 5140
Communist Political Association, Michigan 5112, 5113
Detroit P.oard of Education 5098
Federal Bureau of Investigation 5128
Ford Motor Co 5086, 5090, 5091, 5103, 5118, 5128, 5133, 5137
General Motors 5118
Independent Progressive Party 5120, 5123
Michigan School of Social Science 5105, 5120
National Association for the Advancement of the Colored People 5123
North Atlantic Military Alliance 5120
North Atlantic Pact 5125
Pen and Pencil Club 5095, 5096
Teheran Conference 5112
United Auto Workers 5118,5124,5125,5136
INDEX V
Pase
United Auto Workers, Ford Local 600 5090-5092,
5094-5097, 5100, 5101, 5119, 5125, 5126, 5128-5131, 5136, 5140, 5142
United Auto Worliers, Local 155 5115
United Office and Professional Workers of America, Local 26 5095
Young Communist League 5086, 5087, 5088, 5108-5110, 5133, 5134
Young Communist League, Micliigan 5109
I Young Communist League, Michigan, Ann Arbor 5109
JYoung Communist League, Michigan, Colin Kelly Club 5109
j Young Communist League, Michigan, Dorie Miller Club 5109
Young Communist League, Michigan, Flint Club 5109
Young Communist League, Michigan, Foster-Liberty Club 5109
Young Communist League, IMichigan, Frederick Douglass Club 5109
Young Communist League, Michigan, Grand Kapids Club 5109
Young Communist League, Michigan, Patterson Club 5109
Young Communist League, Michigan, Tom Paine Victory Club ,_ 5109
Young Conmiunist League, Michigan, West Side Club 5109
Young Communist League, Michigan, Wonders branch 5108
Young Communist League, New York City 5109
Publications
Daily Worker 5090, 5113, 5123, 5124, 5137
Dear! orn Auto Section Forum 5122, 5123
Ford Facts 5097, 5102, 5123, 5126
Michignn Worker 5118, 5119, 5121, 5123, 5124, 5130
Political Affairs 5115, 5118
Romauul American 5113
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